Abstract
In this paper I will briefly examine four key intellectual differences between Jean Gerson and Christine de Pizan which attest to their ongoing dialogue: first, Gerson’s position that all teaching of women must be considered suspect (“omnis doctrina mulierum […] reputanda est suspecta”); second, competing metaphors of the fowler in their writings; third, their respective positions on the queenship of Mary; and fourth, a comparison between their two writings on the Passion. This analysis will shift attention away from the frequent discussion of Gerson’s position on women visionaries. In these comparisons it is a question both of thematic and textual parallels. Taken in the larger context of the established points of contact between the two, many of which will require additional scrutiny, these new parallels suggest first that Gerson’s teaching to his sisters focused on an intensification of the contemplative life, whereas Christine’s reflections were directed at women in the active life; and second that Christine incorporates considerable erudition in her writings addressed to women (and men) on those topics where Gerson had presented for his sisters a stripped down and simplified theology, and that she followed this tack to demonstrate her overarching argument of the affinity of women for learning. Finally, the most striking aspect of the exchange between Gerson and Christine is the fact that it created a special friendship between the two which Gerson was somewhat at a loss to describe.
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Notes
- 1.
These are listed in my article “Christine de Pizan and Jean Gerson: An Intellectual Friendship,” Christine de Pizan 2000, ed. John Campbell and Nadia Margolis (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2000), pp. 197–208, here p. 198. To begin with, I examined those areas where scholars had already argued for affinities: “first, Christine and Gerson were allies in the Debate of the Roman de la Rose; second, Christine in the Advision made use of Gerson’s Montaigne de contemplation; third, Christine used arguments from Gerson’s sermons in the Trois vertus; fourth (a related point), the Epistre a la reine anticipated Gerson’s sermon Vivat rex, whose themes in turn reappear in the Corps de policie; and fifth, Christine’s Sept Psaumes seems indebted to Gerson’s commentary on the penitential psalms […] and sixth, both wrote works, completed within a few months of each other, celebrating the victories of Joan of Arc.” I then examined three other possible links: the term femmelette in the Montaigne de contemplation, the fact that only Christine and Gerson mention Mathéolus at this time, and that when both treat Joan of Arc, they spell the name Deborah “Delbora” (an example of lectio difficilior).
- 2.
See the discussion in Brian Patrick McGuire, “Late Medieval Care and the Control of Women: Jean Gerson and His Sisters,” Revue d’histoire ecclésiastique 92 (1997), pp. 5–36, which he continues in his useful study Jean Gerson and the Last Medieval Reformation (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2005).
- 3.
- 4.
Wendy Love Anderson, “Gerson’s Stance on Women,” in: A Companion to Jean Gerson, ed. Brian Patrick McGuire (Leiden: Brill, 2006), pp. 293–315.
- 5.
Alice Adèle Hentsch, De la littérature didactique du moyen âge s’adressant spécialement aux femmes (Halle: Cahors, 1903; reprinted Geneva: Slatkine, 1975).
- 6.
Earl Jeffrey Richards, “Christine de Pizan and Jean Gerson: An Intellectual Friendship,” in Christine de Pizan 2000: Studies on Christine de Pizan in Honour of Angus J. Kennedy, ed. John Campbell and Nadia Margolis (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2000), pp. 197–208.
- 7.
McGuire, op. cit. (2005), p. 320.
- 8.
Raimond Thomassy, Jean Gerson (Paris, 1843); Frénaud and Ouy consider it his work, Glorieux and Lieberman do not. See La Passion Nostre Seigneur, sermon “Ad Deum vadit”, ed. and annotated by Dom G. Frénaud (Paris, 1947). Glorieux in his edition, vol. 7, p. XXI contests the attribution to Gerson following Max Lieberman’s doubts in his article “Gersoniana,” Romania 78 (1957), pp. 145–181, here pp. 154–155.
- 9.
Bede, Libellus de meditatione passionis Christi per septem diei horas, PL 94, cols. 561–568.
- 10.
Raimond Thomassy, Jean Gerson (Paris: Debécourt, 1838), p. 338.
- 11.
Peter of Blois, De amicitia christiana et de charitate Dei et proximi, Migne PL 207, cols. 871–958.
- 12.
Glorieux, ed., vol. 9, p. 468.
- 13.
Here is the Vulgate text which I cite for purposes of comparison with Thomas’s commentary: “Volo ergo viros orare in omni loco levantes puras manus sine ira et disceptatione; similiter et mulieres in habitu ornato cum verecundia et sobrietate ornantes se, non in tortis crinibus et auro aut margaritis vel veste pretiosa, sed, quod decet mulieres, profitentes pietatem per opera bona. Mulier in tranquillitate discat cum omni subiectione; docere autem mulieri non permitto neque dominari in virum, sed esse in tranquillitate.” Thomas’s commentary (Sancti Thomae de Aquino Super I Epistolam B. Pauli ad Timotheum lectura, Caput 2, Lectio 2) leaves little doubt about women’s being deficient in reason: “Deinde cum dicit similiter et mulieres, ordinat mulieres, et primo quantum ad orationem, secundo quantum ad doctrinam, ibi mulieres in silentio. Item primo ostendit quid requiratur a muliere orante; secundo exponit quae dixerat, ibi non in tortis. Circa primum sciendum est quod omnia quae requiruntur ad virum orantem, requiruntur et ad mulieres. Et ideo dicit similiter et mulieres; quasi dicat: omnia servent quae dicta sunt. Sed addit duo, scilicet ornamenta et verecundiam, dicens in habitu ornato cum verecundia, cuius ratio est, quia naturale est quod sicut mulieres sunt mollioris corporis quam viri, ita et debilioris rationis. Rationis autem est ordinare actus, et effectus uniuscuiusque rei. Ornatus vero consistit in debita ordinatione et dispositione. Sic in interiori decore nisi sint omnia ordinata ex dispositione per rationem, non habent pulchritudinem spiritualem. Et ideo quia mulieres deficiunt a ratione, requirit ab eis ornatum. Item verecundia est de turpi actu, et ideo est laudabilis in illis qui facile solent declinare in actus turpes, cuiusmodi sunt iuvenes et mulieres, et ideo hoc in eis laudatur, non autem senes et perfecti. Eccli. XXVI, 19: gratia super gratiam mulier sancta et pudorata. Item sobrietatem requirit; unde sequitur et sobrietate. Quia enim in mulieribus ratio est debilis, sobrietas autem conservat virtutem rationis, ideo in mulieribus maxime reprehenditur ebrietas. Unde antiquitus apud Romanos eis non dabatur vinum.”
- 14.
For liberté in Christine, see http://www.arts.ed.ac.uk/french/christine/cpstart.htm. Le Livre des fais et bonnes meurs du sage roy Charles V, ed. Suzanne Solente (Paris: Champion, 1936), vol. 1, p. 33: les voluptez, qui empeschent la liberté des sens; Prison de la vie humaine, p. 50, where the word occurs in a list including amour, sapience, seurté, liberté, / beatitude, santé, vie. This conclusion is further based on an inspection of the Lexique de Christine de Pizan: Matériaux pour le “Dictionnaire du Moyen Français” (DMF)–5, ed. Joël Blanchard and Michel Quereuil (Paris: Klincksieck, 1999); of James Laidlaw’s electronic concordance of many of Christine’s work; of the electronic text of Liliane Dulac’s edition of the Trois vertus (which she kindly consulted for me); and of my own electronic text of the Cité des dames.
- 15.
See my study: “Le concept de Droiture chez Christine de Pizan et sa pensée politique,” in: Actes du II e Colloque International sur la Littérature en Moyen Français (Milan, 8–10 mai 2000), ed. Sergio Cigada, et al. (Milan: Vita e Pensiero, 2000), pp. 305–314.
- 16.
See also Charity Cannon Willard, “Christine de Pizan as Teacher,” Romance Languages Annual 3 (1992) pp. 132–136 (available at http://tell.fll.purdue.edu/RLA-Archive/1991/French-html/Willard,CharityCannon.htm), and Elisabeth Schreiner, “Christine de Pizan als Vermittlerin von Wissen und Wissenschaft,” in: Künstler, Dichter, Gelehrte (Mittelalter-Mythen, vol. 4), (St Gallen: UVK-Fachverlag für Wissen und Studium, 2005), pp. 269–286 (available at: http://www.uvk-konstanz.de/buchdetail/pdf/9783896695697_l.pdf).
- 17.
See my discussion of this point in “Where are the Men in Christine de Pizan’s City of Ladies? Architectural and Allegorical Structures in Christine de Pizan’s Livre de la Cité des dames,” in Translatio Studii: Essays in Honor of Karl D. Uitti, ed. R. Blumenfeld-Kosinski, et al. (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1999), pp. 221–244.
- 18.
First edited, with omissions but supplied with an invaluable commentary, by Edmond Vansteenberghe, “Quelques écrits de Jean Gerson, Textes inédits et études, IV: Trois règlements de Vie de Gerson pour ses sœurs; V: Lettre à ses sœurs sur la méditation et les dévotions quotidiennes,” Revue de sciences religieuses 14 (1934), pp. 191–218, pp. 370–391. Glorieux reprinted Vansteenberghe, and McGuire (1997) has carefully explained and supplied the editorial problems and omissions from Vansteenberghe’s original edition.
- 19.
Nathalie Nabert, “Christine de Pizan, Jean Gerson et le gouvernement des âmes,” Au champ des escriptures: III e Colloque international sur Christine de Pizan, ed. Eric Hicks, Diego Gonzalez, and Philippe Simon (Paris: Champion, 2000), pp. 250–268, here p. 267.
- 20.
Le Livre des trois vertus (ed. Willard, Hicks), p. 23.
- 21.
Helmut A. Hatzfeld, “Linguistic Investigation of Old French High Spirituality,” PMLA 61, 2 (1946), pp. 331–378, here p. 353. Atilf’s online facility Le Dictionnaire du Moyen Français (at http://www.atilf.fr/dmf) attributes ravi in the mystical sense to Christine de Pizan and does not mention Gerson.
- 22.
Conrad A. Balliet, “The History and Rhetoric of the Triplet,” PMLA 80, no. 5 (1965), pp. 528–534.
- 23.
“Nous, non encore rassadiees ou saolees de te mettre en besoigne comme chamberiere de noz vertuelx labours, avons avisié, preparlé et conclus ou Conseil des Vertus et a l’exemple de Dieu qui au commencement du siecle qu’il ot creé vit son œuvre bonne, la beneÿ, puis fist homme et femme et les aultres animaulx, ainsi nostre dicte œuvre precedent, ceste de la Cité des dames, qui est bonne et utile, soit beneÿe et exaulcee par tout l’univers monde, que encores a l’acroissement d’ycelle nous plait que tout ainsy comme le sage oiselleur apreste sa cage ains que il prengne les oisillons, voulons que après ce que le herberge des dames honnourees est faicte et preparee, soient semblablement que devant, par ton ayde pourpenséz, fais et quis engins, trebuchiéz et roys beaulz et nobles, lacéz et ouvréz a neux d’amours que nous te livrerrons, et tu les estendras par la terre es lieux et es places et es angles pour ou les dames, et generaument toutes femmes, passent et cuerent, afin que celles qui sont farousches et dures a dominer puissent estres happees, prises et tresbuschees en nos laz, si que nulle ou pou qui s’i enbate ne puisse eschapper, et que toutes, ou la plus grant partie d’elles, soyent fichees en la cage de nostre glorieuse cité, ou le doulz chant apprengenent de celles qui desja y sont hebergees comme souveraines et qui sans cesser deschantent alliluya avec la teneuer des beneuréz angelz” (ed. Willard, Hicks, pp. 8–9).
- 24.
Disticha uel dicta Catonis: Collectio distichorum uulgaris, liber I, Distichon 27, ed. E. Baehrens, Poetae latinae minores, vol. 3 (Leipzig: Teubner, 1881), p. 220,
Noli homines blando nimium sermone probare
Fistula dulce canit, uolucrem dum decipit auceps.
Jean de Meun alludes to this quality at the end of the Roman de la Rose as well: “ainsinc con fet li oiselierres / qui tant a l’oisel conme lierres / et l’apele par douz sonez” (ed. Lecoy, vv. 21, pp. 461–21, p. 463).
- 25.
Ps. 90:3, “quia ipse liberabit te de laqueo venantium de morte insidiarum”; and Ps. 123:7, “anima nostra quasi avis erepta est de laqueo venantium laqueus contritus est et nos liberati sumus.”
- 26.
“L’autre cause naist de par la char ou sensualité, laquelle par sa corruption du pechié originel est tousjours contraire a l’esprit et a raison. […] Pareillement est de la char malade par infection originele. L’esperit en surplus ne sent point ses las et sa prison jusques a tant qu’il y panse pour eschaper et ce que on ne sent ne deult. Exemple de l’oysel englué ou enlassé, ou mauvaise acoustumance de vilains plaisirs” (ed. Glorieux, vol. 7, p. 1, p. 160).
- 27.
See Richards, op. cit. (1999).
- 28.
Boethius, De consolatione philosophiae, Liber III, Metrum 2 (vv. 17–26): “quae canit altis garrula ramis / ales caueae clauditur antro; / huic licet inlita pocula melle / largasque dapes dulci studio / ludens hominum cura ministret, / si tamen arto saliens texto / nemorum gratas uiderit umbras, / sparsas pedibus proterit escas, / siluas tantum maesta requirit, / siluas dulci uoce susurrat.” See also George D. Economou, “Chaucer’s Use of the Bird in the Cage Image in the Canterbury Tales,” Philological Quarterly 54:3 (1975), pp. 679–683, here p. 679; Kate van Orden, “Sexual Discourse in the Parisian Chanson: A Libidinous Aviary,” Journal of the American Musicological Society 48:1 (1995), pp. 1–41.
- 29.
Liliane Dulac, “Le Livre des trois vertus,” in: Voix de femmes au moyen âge: Savoir, mystique, poésie, amour, sorcellerie, XII e –XV e siècle (Paris: Laffont, 2006), p. 561 n. 2: “Les beaux rubans qui ornent, ou dissimulent, les pièges symbolisent l’affection que l’auteur porte aux futures captives. La cage qui les accueille n’est pas sans rappeler la Fontaine d’amour du Roman de la Rose: jeunes gens et jeunes filles sont prisonniers des pièges posés par Cupidon, mais le projet et l’objet de la quête sont différents. […] Alors que les pièges du dieu d’amour ne proposent que tendresse charnelle et séduction, la cage de la femme-oiseleur est un lieu d’apprentissage de la parole vertueuse et de ses pouvoirs.”
- 30.
“Li oisillons du vert bochage
quant il est pris et mis en cage,
nourriz mout antantivement
leanz delicieusement,
et chante, tant con sera vis,
de queur gai, ce vos est avis,
si desierre il les bois ramez
qu’il a naturelement amez
et voudroit seur les arbres estre,
ja si bien nou savra l’an pestre.
Toujourz i panse et s’estudie
a recouvrer sa franche vie.
[…]
ausinc sachiez que toutes fames,
saient damoiseles ou dames,
de quelconque procession,
ont naturele entencion
qu’el chercheroient volentiers
par quex chemins, par quex sentiers
a franchise venir porroient,
car torjorz avoir la vorroient.”
(ed. Lecoy, v. 13, ll. 911–922, 929–936.)
- 31.
Città, ed. Caraffi, Richards, p. 81.
- 32.
Charles Baudelaire, Œuvres complètes (Paris: Gallimard [Pléïade], 1975), I, p. 192.
- 33.
I have discussed this problem in my essay, “Political Thought as Improvisation: Female Regency and Mariology in Late Medieval French Thought,” in: Virtue, Liberty, and Toleration: Political Ideas of European Women, 1400–1800, ed. Jacqueline Broad and Karen Green (Dordrecht: Springer, 2007), pp. 1–22. Unfortunately I did not know three important earlier studies touching on parallel political dimensions of the iconography of the façade of Notre-Dame: William M. Hinkle, “The King and the Pope on The Virgin Portal of Notre-Dame,” The Art Bulletin. 48:1 (1966), pp. 1–13; Walter Cahn, “The Tympanum of the Portal of Saint-Anne at Notre Dame de Paris and the Iconography of the Division of the Powers in the Early Middle Ages,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 32 (1969), pp. 55–72; Marianne Cecilia Gaposchkin, “The King of France and the Queen of Heaven: The Iconography of the Porte Rouge of Notre-Dame of Paris,” Gesta 39:1 (2000), pp. 58–72.
- 34.
Louis Mourin, “Les sermons français inédits de Jean Gerson pour les fêtes de l’Annonciation et de la Purification,” Scriptorium 2 (1948), pp. 221–240, p. 3 (1949), pp. 59–68; and Louis Mourin, “Jean Gerson, prédicateur français pour les fêtes de l’Annonciation et de la Purification,” Revue belge de philologie et d’histoire 27 (1949), pp. 561–598.
- 35.
Joseph [José] M. Bover, “Universalis B. Mariae V. Meditatio in scriptis Iohannis Gerson,” Gregorianum 9 (1928), pp. 242–268; André Combes, “La doctrine mariale de Jean Gerson,” Maria, études sur la sainte Vierge, ed. Hubert du Manoir (Paris: Beauchesne, 1949–1961), 6 vols.; vol. 2 (1952), pp. 863–882; Isabelle Fabre, La doctrine du chant du cœur de Jean Gerson: Édition critique, traduction et commentaire du “Tractatus de canticis” et du “Canticordum au pelerin” (Geneva: Droz, 2005), especially ch. 7: “Le Canticordum instrument de dévotion mariale,” pp. 185–203; and “Virgo prudentissima: Marie, figure exemplaire dans la doctrine du Chant du cœur de Jean Gerson,” to be published with the proceedings of Colloque “La vertu de Prudence” (6 March 2006).
- 36.
Hervé Martin, “La chaire, la prédication et la construction du public des croyants à la fin du Moyen Âge,” Politix: Revue des sciences sociales du politique 7 (1994), pp. 42–50, here p. 44: “Entre 1411 et 1418, les horreurs de la guerre civile, menace mortelle pour le royaume de France, sont dénoncées avec véhémence par Jean Gerson.” See also his lengthy study, Le métier de prédicateur en France septentrionale à la fin du Moyen Âge (1350–1520), (Paris: Cerf, 1988).
- 37.
Tracy Adams, “Isabeau de Bavière dans l’œuvre et la vie de Christine de Pizan: une réévaluation du personnage,” Christine de Pizan, une femme de science, une femme de lettres, ed. by Juliette Dor and Marie-Elisabeth Henneau with Bernard Ribémont (Paris: Champion, 2008), pp. 133–146; “Recovering Queen Isabeau: A Re-Reading of Christine de Pizan’s Une Epistre a la royne de France (1405) and La Lamentacion sur les maux de la guerre civile,” Fifteenth-Century Studies 33 (2008), Rachel Gibbons, “Isabeau of Bavaria, Queen of France (1385–1422): The Creation of an Historical Villainess,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 6th series, vol. 6 (1996), pp. 51–73, Rachel Gibbons, “Les conciliatrices au bas Moyen Âge: Isabeau de Bavière et la guerre civile (1401–1415),” in La guerre, la violence et les gens au Moyen Âge, ed. Philippe Contamine and Olivier Guyotjeannin (Paris: Comité des travaux historiques et scientifiques, 1996) pp. 23–33, Rachel Gibbons, “The Piety of Isabeau of Bavaria, Queen of France, 1385–1422,” in Courts, Counties and the Capital in the Later Middle Ages, ed. Diana Dunn (Stroud: Sutton, 1996), pp. 205–224, Karen Green, “Isabeau de Bavière and the Political Philosophy of Christine de Pizan,” Historical Reflections/Reflexions historiques 32 (2006), pp. 247–272.
- 38.
See Earl Jeffrey Richards, “Political Thought as Improvisation: Female Regency and Mariology in Late Medieval French Thought,” in Virtue, Liberty, and Toleration, ed. Jacqueline Broad and Karen Green (Dordrecht: Springer, 2007), pp. 1–22. Droiture’s self-description in the first part of the City of Ladies invokes qualities often associated with the Virgin Mary. Droiture calls herself the resplandeur de Dieu, which translates splendor Dei, a term used to describe both Christ and Mary. She speaks of herself as the escu et deffence des sers de Dieu, which recalls the Virgin’s protection, a tradition subsumed by the epithet protectrix, associated with the tradition of the Virgin as the mater misericordiae and often portrayed in the image of the Schutzmadonna. God shows His secrets through her to His “friends” and she is their “advocate”.
- 39.
Mourin, “Les sermons français inédits de Jean Gerson,” p. 220.
- 40.
I am indebted to Liliane Dulac for my analysis here. See her study “Littérature et dévotion: À propos des Heures de contemplacion sur la Passion de Nostre Seigneur de Christine de Pizan,” Miscellanea mediaevalia: Mélanges offerts à Philippe Ménard, ed. Jean-Claude Faucon, Alain Labbé, and Danielle Quéruel (Paris: Champion, 1998), vol. 1, pp. 475–484; and Maureen Boulton, “Christine’s Heures de contemplacion de la Passion in the Context of Late-Medieval Passion Devotion,” Contexts and Continuities: Proceedings of the IVth International Colloquium on Christine de Pizan (Glasgow 21–27 July 2000) Published in Honour of Liliane Dulac ed. Angus J. Kennedy, Rosalind Brown-Grant, James C. Laidlaw, and Catherine M. Müller (Glasgow: University of Glasgow Press, 2002), vol. 1, pp. 99–113.
- 41.
See my study of the history of this prayer, “Das Gebet Anima Christi und die Vorgeschichte seines kanonischen Status: Eine Fallstudie zum kulturellen Gedächtnis,” Literaturwissenschaftliches Jahrbuch der Görres-Gesellschaft 49 (2008), pp. 55–84.
- 42.
The text has only been published in the Analecta hymnica medii aevi, Vol. 31, ed. Guido M. Dreves and Clemens Blume, vols. 1–55, Leipzig: 1888–1922, pp. 87–89; it is not considered to be an authentic text from Bernard’s pen.
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Richards, E.J. (2011). Jean Gerson’s Writings to His Sisters and Christine de Pizan’s Livre des trois vertus: An Intellectual Dialogue Culminating in Friendship. In: Green, K., Mews, C. (eds) Virtue Ethics for Women 1250-1500. The New Synthese Historical Library, vol 69. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-0529-6_6
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