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Courts and Expertise: Consequence-Based Arguments in Judicial Reasoning

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National Legal Systems and Globalization

Abstract

If in deciding a case, the judge finds that the applicable legal rule has more than one plausible interpretation, the judge is said to use a consequence-based argument if she justifies her decision for a particular interpretation with the argument that this interpretation will bring about consequences which are normatively superior to the consequences brought about by alternative interpretations. A paradigmatic case of consequence-based reasoning is when a judge chooses the alternative which is expected to maximise social welfare. Looking at the role of consequence-based reasoning in the canon of acceptable arguments in the main European jurisdictions and in the United States, under different names and with a varying degree of openness, one finds that most of these legal systems allow for consequence-based considerations. This chapter analyses consequence-based arguments in judicial reasoning from a jurisprudential perspective. The conceivability, feasibility and desirability of the judicial appreciation of general social consequences of legal decisions are considered in turn. When courts attempt to justify their decisions with reference to expected consequences, serious problems emerge. The chapter argues that these problems are closely linked to a multi-faced (technical, institutional and normative) feature of adjudication: the competence of courts. The epistemic capacities of judges as ‘intuitive experts’ and the institutional setting of adjudication in a constitutional democracy make it rather unlikely that judicial decisions meet the standards of empirical testing and rationality that characterise impact assessments in legislative and administrative contexts.

Péter Cserne is Senior Lecturer, Hull Law School, University of Hull. He contributed to the project while an Assistant Professor, Department of International and European Public Law, Tilburg Law School, Tilburg University, and a member of the Tilburg Law and Economics Center (TILEC). This chapter is based on two publications, “Policy arguments before courts: Identifying and evaluating consequence-based judicial reasoning” (2009) 3 Humanitas Journal of European Studies, 9–30 and “Consequence-based arguments in legal reasoning: a jurisprudential preface to law and economics”, in Klaus Mathis, ed., Efficiency, Sustainability, and Justice to Future Generations (Berlin, New York: Springer, 2011), 31–54. I am grateful to Mátyás Bódig, Alon Harel, András Jakab, Miklós Könczöl, Pierre Larouche, Giuseppe Martinico, Bert van Roermund, Stefan Vogenauer, as well as to participants at the First Central and Eastern European Forum of Young Legal, Social and Political Philosophers (Silesian University Katowice), Seminar on Legal and Economic Reasoning (Université de Paris Ouest Nanterre la Défense), Post-doctoral Conference in Law and Economics (Universität Hamburg), TILEC research seminar (Tilburg), Hamburg Lectures in Law and Economics, Tilburg Philosophy of Law Colloquium, 25th IVR World Congress on Legal and Social Philosophy (Johann-Wolfgang-Goethe-University, Frankfurt), and the Annual Conference of the European Association of Law and Economics (Hamburg) for their helpful comments on previous versions.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    MacCormick 1978, 12.

  2. 2.

    Honoré 1973.

  3. 3.

    Bell 1986.

  4. 4.

    See MacCormick 1978, 34.

  5. 5.

    In analogy to the distinction in the philosophy of science, this difference is sometimes referred to by juxtaposing the context of discovery and the context of justification. See MacCormick 1978, 15–16; Anderson 2009. For the original distinction in the philosophy of sciences, see e.g. Schiemann 2006.

  6. 6.

    Sajó 1996.

  7. 7.

    The classic reference is, of course, Schauer 1991.

  8. 8.

    For instance, if a legal rule sets the age limit of full legal capacity at 18 years, the rule serves as an easily administrable way of giving capacity only to those who are mature enough to take care of their dealings. However, the rule will also grant capacity to those who are over 18 but immature and deny capacity from those who are under 18 but sufficiently mature.

  9. 9.

    To be more precise, this is a definition of consequence-based reasoning within a system of rule-based reasoning.

  10. 10.

    Cane 2000, 41–42. In Cane’s terminology, the first judge is involved in “aggregative reasoning” about consequences, “which assesses the desirability of a ruling or a rule by reference to the overall costs and benefits of the ruling.” Ibid., 41.

  11. 11.

    Rudden 1979. In the German literature, Lübbe-Wolff 1981, makes a similar distinction between Rechtsfolgen and Realfolgen.

  12. 12.

    See Cane 2000, 41.

  13. 13.

    MacCormick 1983, 239.

  14. 14.

    MacCormick 1983, 240.

  15. 15.

    5 U.S. (1 Cranch) 137 (1803).

  16. 16.

    Quoted in MacCormick 1983, 240.

  17. 17.

    Luhmann 2005, 59.

  18. 18.

    See MacCormick 1983, 239.

  19. 19.

    Systemic juridical consequences have been thoroughly discussed in previous literature (see MacCormick 1978, Chap. 6, MacCormick 1983; MacCormick 2005, Chap. 6). Rudden 1979, 193 argued that by focusing on juridical consequences, MacCormick “frames his case too narrowly”. Cane 2000 focuses on behavioural consequences.

  20. 20.

    Teubner 1995.

  21. 21.

    On the distinction between “subjective” and “objective” teleological interpretation in German legal doctrine see Koch and Rüssmann 1982.

  22. 22.

    Bell 1995, 88.

  23. 23.

    Horwitz 1979; Ackerman 1986.

  24. 24.

    Bell 1983, 1989.

  25. 25.

    Atiyah and Summers 1987; Posner 1996.

  26. 26.

    See Koch and Rüssmann 1982, 227.

  27. 27.

    See Teubner 1975; Wälde 1979; Coles 1991; Deckert 1995; Eidenmüller 1999; Kirchner 2008. For a critique, see Hensche 1998.

  28. 28.

    This, however, does not seem to apply to French competition law, see Sibony 2008.

  29. 29.

    See MacCormick 1978, 11.

  30. 30.

    Grechenig and Gelter 2008.

  31. 31.

    Here I only discuss the first distinction, i.e. why some legal areas can be more open towards certain kinds of arguments than others. As to the second distinction, it seems to follow from the division of labour within the judiciary and the nature of the appeal process that high-level courts use consequence-based arguments relatively more often. The third distinction is also related to division of labour, namely between judiciary and legal academia, the latter often being highly critical towards the former.

  32. 32.

    Kennedy 1976; Pfaff and Guzelian 2007; Sibony 2008.

  33. 33.

    Parker et al. 2004, 5–11.

  34. 34.

    Collins 1999; Collins 2004.

  35. 35.

    See Larouche and Chirico, Chap. 2.

  36. 36.

    See Parker et al. 2004, 4.

  37. 37.

    In fact, similar and related dichotomies can be multiplied. One can juxtapose output-oriented and input-oriented decisions; ex ante and ex post perspective; substantive and formal rationality; standards and rules; utility and rights; voluntas and ratio; interdisciplinarity and operational autonomy; Lebensnähe and Lebensfremdheit. See Kennedy 1976; See Koch and Rüssmann 1982; Luhmann 1995.

  38. 38.

    See MacCormick 1983, 242–243.

  39. 39.

    The terminology comes from Robert Summers, quoted in MacCormick 1983, 243.

  40. 40.

    Dworkin 1977.

  41. 41.

    Dworkin 1976; Greenawalt 1977, 99; See MacCormick 1983, 243–244.

  42. 42.

    See MacCormick. 1983, 245, interpreting Dworkin.

  43. 43.

    See Greenawalt 1977, 1010, note 51.

  44. 44.

    Barnett 1989. On consequentialism in moral philosophy see Sinnott-Armstrong 2011 and references there. On rule-consequentialism see Hooker 2008.

  45. 45.

    See Hensche 1998.

  46. 46.

    On the use of expert evidence before the EC courts see, e.g. Barbier de la Serre and Sibony 2008.

  47. 47.

    Cane 2000, 45. Cane provides an interesting example when discussing how English law lords speculate about the potential over-deterrent effects of extensive liability for medical malpractice without any reference to empirical data. The point here is not whether such an effect could be demonstrated or made plausible. Rather the question is whether judges should be allowed to justify their decisions in a purely intuitive way, with no reference to empirical evidence.

  48. 48.

    Cane 2000, 43.

  49. 49.

    Dhami 2003; Gigerenzer and Engel 2006.

  50. 50.

    On this notion, see e.g. the research of the Max Planck Research Group Intuitive Experts (Bonn, Germany), http://www.coll.mpg.de/intuitive_experts/max-planck-research-group-intuitive-experts (accessed 24.04.2012).

  51. 51.

    Engel 2004.

  52. 52.

    Jolls and Sunstein 2006.

  53. 53.

    Cane 2000, 43.

  54. 54.

    Komesar 1994.

  55. 55.

    It can even be argued that this should remain the case. As the expertise in assessing the systemic consequences of legal rules, i.e. the human capital of those who are knowledgeable in both legal and technical or social scientific questions, is a scarce resource, this human capital is more effectively used in legislative drafting ex ante than in case-by-case interpretative corrections ex post. See Eidenmüller 1999.

  56. 56.

    See Pfaff and Guzelian 2007; Larouche, Chap. 11 in this volume.

  57. 57.

    Larouche, Chap. 11 in this volume, Sect. 11.3.

  58. 58.

    Epstein 1995.

  59. 59.

    Rachlinski 2000.

  60. 60.

    Bell 1995, 73.

  61. 61.

    Koch and Rüssmann 1982, 229.

  62. 62.

    Parker et al. 2004, 11. Although the authors also mention distributive justice as conflicting with consequentialism, in my view, it is an evidently consequence-based consideration.

  63. 63.

    Searle 1969.

  64. 64.

    La Porta et al. 2008.

  65. 65.

    Hadfield 2008, 45.

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Cserne, P. (2013). Courts and Expertise: Consequence-Based Arguments in Judicial Reasoning. In: Larouche, P., Cserne, P. (eds) National Legal Systems and Globalization. T.M.C. Asser Press, The Hague, The Netherlands. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-90-6704-885-9_5

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