Abstract
Theories of International Relations take various positions regarding the role of international law in international politics. This article identifies four different perspectives on that role by making two distinctions: first, between approaches that assume that states act on the basis of a cost-benefit analysis and approaches that assume that states act upon shared ideas; second, between theories that assume that sovereign states are the only relevant players in international politics and theories that allow for the possibility that domestic and transnational players may affect international politics as well. Subsequently, the article investigates the choices made by France, Italy, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom and the United States prior to the 2003 war against Iraq. The four perspectives on the role of international law provide different interpretations of the weight these states attached to international law when considering the use of violence against Iraq.
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Notes
- 1.
- 2.
Various other approaches characterize IR theory, such as Critical Theory, Post-Modernism, Neo-Marxism, Neo-Gramscian, the English School, and Post-Structuralism. For an over view, see Dunne et al. 2007; the major debate nowadays is between rationalists and (social) constructivist, although some prefer a juxtaposition of rationalists and so-called reflectivists, who fundamentally differ on epistemology, allowing constructivists to be closer to either, while adopting a social rather than a material ontology (Christiansen et al. 1999).
- 3.
Cf. Reinalda 2011.
- 4.
Exceptions to this point of departure are those scholars who argue that the nature of the international political system itself is the product of, and depends on, the underlying structure of global economic relations. They include (neo-)Marxists and some Critical Theorists. Cf. Dunne et al. 2007.
- 5.
A third, much smaller, brand of rationalists can be found among those scholars who explain a state’s behavior in the international political system by the objective of a state’s leadership to preserve their domestic power situation. This will be discussed in Sect. 8.2.2.
- 6.
- 7.
- 8.
- 9.
See, e.g., Murphy 1994.
- 10.
- 11.
Wendt 1992, p. 391.
- 12.
Wendt 1999, pp. 343–366.
- 13.
On soft power, see Nye 2004.
- 14.
- 15.
- 16.
See Reinalda and Verbeek 1998.
- 17.
See, http://www.nato.int/docu/update/2001/1001/e1002a.htm; cf. the testimony of senior NATO official Edgar Buckley, available at http://www.nato.int/docu/review/2006/issue2/english/art2.html, accessed on 19 October 2011.
- 18.
- 19.
Wendt 1999.
- 20.
Mazarr 2007, p. 8.
- 21.
- 22.
Davidson 2011, p. 134.
- 23.
Woodward 2004, pp. 177–179.
- 24.
- 25.
Backbenchers are MP’s of the governing party who do not occupy a formal position in the government. Usually, these governing positions number around 60–80 MP’s.
- 26.
- 27.
Stothard 2004, pp. 54–55.
- 28.
Reynolds 1985–1986.
- 29.
See Verbeek 2003, esp. pp. 42–60.
- 30.
- 31.
Nuti 2003.
- 32.
- 33.
Davidson 2011, p. 147.
- 34.
Blair 2010, pp. 429–432.
- 35.
Davidson 2011, pp. 147–157.
- 36.
de Villepin 1995.
- 37.
Cf. Rapport Commissie 2010, pp. 81–82.
- 38.
Ibid., pp. 83–89 and 92.
- 39.
Ibid., pp. 255–258.
- 40.
In April 2003 DJZ would elaborate its position in a leaked paper; see, Memorandum Irak 2003.
- 41.
Rapport Commissie van Onderzoek Besluitvorming Irak 2010, pp. 243–251.
- 42.
SC Resolution 1973/2011.
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Verbeek, B. (2012). Does Might Still Make Right? International Relations Theory and the Use of International Law Regarding the 2003 Iraq War. In: Dekker, I., Hey, E. (eds) Netherlands Yearbook of International Law 2011. Netherlands Yearbook of International Law, vol 42. T.M.C. Asser Press, The Hague, The Netherlands. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-90-6704-849-1_8
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