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Indigenousness, Human Security and Empowerment of Marginalized Identities in Africa

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Abstract

The legal and institutional framework for protection of individuals and groups in Africa—as elsewhere—has undergone numerous changes in both principle and practice. The said-changes were products of a dynamic history, a readjustment of philosophical precepts or geopolitical dictates. Some of the said-changes might have been local in nature, but most of them were dictated by global realities and discourses. Since the adoption, by the United Nations, of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, this body of law has somehow served as the dominant legal framework and discourse advocating for the protection of individuals and groups against all forms of threats, mainly from the state. However, dominance of the language of human rights law as the guarantor of human life and liberty tends to overshadow the fact that this legal framework is only a few decades old. Before and since the institutionalization of the human rights legal framework, other concepts were and are still used as grounds or justifications for protection of individuals and collectives.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Literature abounds on the ‘humanistic’ or ‘philanthropic’ justifications for the colonial enterprise and presence in Africa in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries; and the usage of notions such as protectorate, trusteeship, mandate, as legal and/or moral justifications for imperial rule by European powers over African territories and peoples. For some relevant literature, see Davis 1912, Anonymous 1920, Touval 1966, Reisman 1989, and Griffiths 1986. See also, for instance, Art. VI of the General Act of the Berlin Conference.

  2. 2.

    Gasper 2007, on the limitations of the (human rights language on various philosophical and disciplinary grounds.

  3. 3.

    Ibid.

  4. 4.

    Ibid., p. 21.

  5. 5.

    See Colson 1969), pp. 27 et seq.

  6. 6.

    Ibid., for an elaboration on colonial misinterpretations of African realities.

  7. 7.

    Hall 1948, pp. 95–96.

  8. 8.

    Anghie 1999, p. 36.

  9. 9.

    Ibid., p. 37.

  10. 10.

    Hall 1948, p. 100.

  11. 11.

    Ibid.

  12. 12.

    Ibid., pp. 100–101.

  13. 13.

    Anghie 1999, pp. 35 et seq.; Brownlie 1979, pp. 3 et seq.; and Gann and Duignan 1969, 1970.

  14. 14.

    For some relevant discussion of these systems, see Hall 1947, Reisman 1989, pp. 231–240, and Purdy and Fielding 2007.

  15. 15.

    See Gann and Duignan 1969, 1970, vol. 1; Anghie 1999, pp. 54 et seq.; and Gathii 2007, pp. 1013 et seq.

  16. 16.

    Anghie 1999, p. 71.

  17. 17.

    Ibid., p. 54.

  18. 18.

    See the text of the General Act of the Berlin Conference.

  19. 19.

    Art. VI of the General Act of the Berlin Conference. Keith 1918, p. 250, describes the General Act of the Berlin Conference as being primarily aimed at ‘the extension of the benefits of civilisation to the natives, the promotion of trade and navigation on the basis of perfect equality for all nations, and the preservation of the territories affected by the ravages of war’.

  20. 20.

    Anghie 1999, p. 38. See also Koponen 1993.

  21. 21.

    Art. VI of the General Act of the Berlin Conference.

  22. 22.

    Hall 1948, p. 104 (emphasis added).

  23. 23.

    See Art. 22 Covenant of the League of Nations 1919, 3 UST 3331. The African territories that became ‘B’ Mandates under the Covenant of the League of Nations are: Kamerun (Britain and France); Ruanda-Urundi (Belgium); Tanganyika (Britain); Togoland (France and Britain). South-West Africa (South Africa) was administered as a ‘C’ Mandate. See also Crabtree 1914.

  24. 24.

    As the Covenant of the League of Nations is also known.

  25. 25.

    Art. 22(1) Covenant of the League of Nations.

  26. 26.

    Hall 1947, p. 37.

  27. 27.

    Ibid. See also Hall 1948, p. 33.

  28. 28.

    See mainly Art. 11 of the Convention Revising the General Act of Berlin, 26 February 1885, and the General Act and Declaration of Brussels, 2 July 1890, reprinted in (1921) 15 Am. J. Int Law 4, Supp.: Official Documents, 314–321. See also Keith 1918, pp. 249–261, for a commentary on the rationale behind the revision.

  29. 29.

    See Chaps. XII–XIII of the UN Charter.

  30. 30.

    Art. 76(b) UN Charter (emphasis added).

  31. 31.

    Anghie 1999, pp. 1 et seq.; and Gathii 2007, pp. 1013 et seq.

  32. 32.

    Ibid. The most poignant example of colonial mistreatment of, and atrocities against, ‘natives’ is, ironically, (Belgian) Congo, the main subject-matter of the Berlin Conference, as documented in Hochschild 1999.

  33. 33.

    On the relevance of the UN Charter in the decolonization process, see Kay 1967.

  34. 34.

    See, e.g., Alfredson and Eide 1999, and Alston and Steiner 2001, for an account of the revolutionary role of human rights law in seeking protection of individuals (and incidentally collectives) since the adoption of the UDHR.

  35. 35.

    See mainly Chaps. 4 and 5 on the international and regional legal position of claimant African indigenous peoples.

  36. 36.

    As, for instance, in Mutua 1995–1996, pp. 589–657; Gasper 2007, pp. 9–19; and Holder and Corntassel 2002.

  37. 37.

    Crawford 2001, p. 22.

  38. 38.

    Ibid., p. 23.

  39. 39.

    Thomas 2000, p. 13.

  40. 40.

    Ibid., pp. 3 et seq. See also Mutua 2007.

  41. 41.

    As in Hamm 2001.

  42. 42.

    Sen 1999, p. 227.

  43. 43.

    See, for instance, Sen 2004 and Mutua 2007, pp. 547–630.

  44. 44.

    Ibid.

  45. 45.

    See King and Murray 2001–2002.

  46. 46.

    Bajpai 2003, p. 196.

  47. 47.

    Ibid., pp. 195 et seq. See also Alston 2005 and Mutua 2007, pp. 547–630.

  48. 48.

    UNDP 2004, pp. 13–21.

  49. 49.

    See Paris 2001, p. 89.

  50. 50.

    Vienna Declaration, UN Doc. A/CONF.157/24 (Part I), 13 October 1993, p. 20, para 5.

  51. 51.

    Ogata and Cels 2003, p. 276.

  52. 52.

    Bajpai 2003, pp. 196 et seq.

  53. 53.

    UNDP 2004, p. 13. It is possible to argue that this creed is somehow a rephrasing of Art. 1 UDHR, proclaiming: ‘All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood’.

  54. 54.

    UNDP’s Human Development Reports started in 1990 and the concept of ‘Human Security’ was formally introduced in the 1994 report.

  55. 55.

    Thomas 2000, pp. 34 et seq.

  56. 56.

    Ibid., p. 34.

  57. 57.

    Ibid., pp. 38 et seq. See also UNDP 1990, p. 10.

  58. 58.

    UNDP 1990, p. 10.

  59. 59.

    Ibid.

  60. 60.

    Ibid.

  61. 61.

    UNDP 1994, p. 23.

  62. 62.

    Ibid.

  63. 63.

    See Gasper 2007, p. 6.

  64. 64.

    Commission on Human Security (CHS) 2003, p. 2.

  65. 65.

    Ibid., p. 22.

  66. 66.

    UNDP 1994, pp. 24–33.

  67. 67.

    See Bajpai 2003, pp. 196 et seq.; Ogata and Cels 2003, pp. 273–282; Thomas 2000, pp. 3 et seq.; and King and Murray 2001–2002, pp. 585–610.

  68. 68.

    King and Murray 2001–2002, p. 585.

  69. 69.

    This seems to be the general focus of den Boer and de Wilde 2008a, Human Security Centre (HSC) 2005, Hayden 2004.

  70. 70.

    De Wilde 2008, p. 226. The author, however, rejects this idea though and argues that human security is an equally relevant concept in the North.

  71. 71.

    For instance, Gasper 2007, pp. 19 et seq. and Thomas 2000.

  72. 72.

    Alkire 2003, p. 3.

  73. 73.

    Ibid.

  74. 74.

    Mutua 2007, pp. 547–630, makes a strong case in that sense, without necessarily using the concept of human development. See also Alston 2005, pp. 755–829.

  75. 75.

    Thomas 2000, pp. 34 et seq.

  76. 76.

    Oberlietner 2005.

  77. 77.

    den Boer and de Wilde 2008b, p. 10 and Paris 2001, pp. 87–102.

  78. 78.

    See, for instance, Nuruzzaman 2006.

  79. 79.

    Paris 2001, p. 92.

  80. 80.

    Ibid., see generally Nuruzzaman 2006, pp. 285–303.

  81. 81.

    Paris 2001, p. 96.

  82. 82.

    Nuruzzaman 2006, p. 286.

  83. 83.

    For elaborations on the emergence of contemporary indigenous rights movement, see, for instance, Niezen 2003, pp. 29 et seq. and Anaya 2004, pp. 56 et seq.

  84. 84.

    The reality might slightly differ from country to country, with cultural distinctiveness being, arguably, more of an issue in Arabic-speaking countries of Northern Africa. For more on some of these groups, see Bukurura 1995.

  85. 85.

    It is however necessary to stress the fact that the cultural versus socio-economic and political dichotomy is not an absolute one.

  86. 86.

    See, for instance, Morgan and Solarz 1994 and Benneh 1972.

  87. 87.

    See Unruh 1990. See also Fratkin 1997.

  88. 88.

    See mainly Chaps. 13, 6 and 7.

  89. 89.

    Art. 3 Indigenous Rights Declaration.

  90. 90.

    See, for instance, the various contributions in IWGIA 2003 dedicated to indigenous peoples in Africa.

  91. 91.

    As is the case for the likes of Ogoni (Nigeria), Bogo (Togo) or some Imazighen (North Africa) communities labelled as (small-scale) farmers.

  92. 92.

    See, for instance, the discussion on Batwa potters (Ceramists) on Arusha or Parakuyo (semi-)farmers in the chapters on Rwanda’s Batwa and Kenya’s Maasai for references to some individuals or communities that have re-adapted to other types of livelihoods. In fact, many of the indigenous representatives who travel throughout the world carrying their indigenous rights message are an example of re-adaptation to changing realities.

  93. 93.

    As extensively discussed in Vaughan 2005. See also Oomen 2006, pp. 127–174.

  94. 94.

    See the previous chapter on the Maasai of Kenya.

  95. 95.

    See, for instance, Kenrick 2001, p. 55.

  96. 96.

    For some analyses on the sustainability of hunting-gathering, see Yasuoka 2006.

  97. 97.

    Kenrick 2001, pp. 39–60.

  98. 98.

    For the rationales behind policies of sendatarisation, see Roy Sesana versus Attorney General, paras 21–34 (Justice Dow judgment), on the discussion of the government’s contentions about the rationale behind the CKGR move. See also Kenrick 2001, pp. 39–60 and Vinding and Waehle 1996, pp. 13–21.

  99. 99.

    See Kenrick 2001, pp. 43 and 52. These figures include groups listed as still living in the forest and the estimate of Twa of the Great Lakes Region still living in the forest.

  100. 100.

    Ibid., p. 55.

  101. 101.

    See, for instance, the various (nuanced) contributions in IWGIA 1999, focusing on participant African groups in the global indigenous movement.

  102. 102.

    Representativity of indigenous organizations in Africa is eloquently discussed by Hodgson 2002a, b.

  103. 103.

    The chapter on Kenya’s Maasai noted that since the independence of the country, members of the Maasai community have participated in various levels of public administration.

  104. 104.

    On the ‘Forest People’ appellation, see the various Africa-related reports by FPP, http://www.forestpeoples.org/templates/publications_and_reports.shtml#africa. Accessed 5 May 2009.

  105. 105.

    Interviews with members of Batwa communities in Nyaruguru and Gasabo, Rwanda in June and July 2008.

  106. 106.

    Minnemeyer et al. 2002, p. 8.

  107. 107.

    See Lewis 2001, pp. 61–78, where the author contrasts the Mbendjelle (or Aka/Yaka Pygmies) ‘forest people’ and ‘village people living in their forest’; a category which ‘groups together over 40 different Bantu and Oubangian language speaking ethnic groups’.

  108. 108.

    See, for instance, ECA 2007, para 42. The report alarmingly predicted that some 60 million people (mainly from the Sahel and the Horn of Africa) might eventually move from areas of sub-Saharan Africa most affected by desertification towards Northern Africa and Europe by the year 2020.

  109. 109.

    For instance, through the work of such organizations such as Survival International as evident on http://www.survival-international.org/tribes/pygmies. Accessed 4 May 2009.

  110. 110.

    Adams et al. 2006, pp. 8 et seq.

  111. 111.

    See Matowanyika 1991 and De Bruijn and Van Dijk 2003, pp. 285–307.

  112. 112.

    Widely documented in IWGIA’s periodic Indigenous Affairs and Indigenous World publications. For more on these, see http://www.iwgia.org/sw6419.asp#516_15062. Accessed 8 May 2009.

  113. 113.

    For some relevant definitions, see King and Murray 2001–2002, pp. 592 et seq.; Bajpai 2003, pp. 200 et seq.; and Gasper 2007, pp. 20 et seq.

  114. 114.

    See mainly Chaps. 4 and 5.

  115. 115.

    In analyses not solely focused on hunter-gatherers or pastoralists, Alston 2005, pp. 755–829, and Mutua 2007, pp. 547–630, make strong cases for genuine implementation of all sets of human rights beyond the rhetorical proclamations on the universality, indivisibility and interconnectedness of all human rights.

  116. 116.

    Uchendu 1995, pp. 125–135, at p. 130.

  117. 117.

    Ibid.

  118. 118.

    See Miles and Rochefort 1991, on how members of the same ethnic groups living in different countries might have different views of their own identities.

  119. 119.

    See Herbst 1989.

  120. 120.

    See Blanton et al. 2001, pp. 473–491, where the author compares the French system of assimilation and centralization to the British system of indirect rule.

  121. 121.

    For some of the theories on causes of ethnic conflict in post-colonial Africa, see Smith 2000 and Hughes 2004.

  122. 122.

    On the institution of tutelage in Africa, see Hall 1948, pp. 13 et seq.

  123. 123.

    See Horowitz 1981, p. 171, for a relatively recent usage of the advanced versus primitive dichotomy in relation to ethnicity.

  124. 124.

    See Berman 1998, pp. 305–341; Welsh 1996, pp. 477–491; Lentz 1995, pp. 303–328; and Osaghae 2005, pp. 83–105.

  125. 125.

    See Uchendu 1995, pp. 125–135.

  126. 126.

    As illustrated by UNDP 2004. See also Lowy 1998 and Spear 1993 (a critical analysis as the title suggests).

  127. 127.

    UNDP 2004, pp. 2–5.

  128. 128.

    Young 2002, p. 553.

  129. 129.

    Ibid.

  130. 130.

    Ibid., pp. 532–757. See also Rothchild 1997, pp. 1 et seq. and Gleditsch et al. 2002, on a comparative identification of conflicts in the world, showing that Africa ranked first with 14 active conflicts in 2001; Stedman and Lyons 2004, pp. 141–158, provide an account of the various conflicts in Africa since the 1960s.

  131. 131.

    Englebert 2000. See also Bienen and Herbst 1996.

  132. 132.

    Easterly and Levine 1997, pp. 1203–1250.

  133. 133.

    Collier 1998. See also Collier and Gunning 1999.

  134. 134.

    Robinson 2009, p. 27.

  135. 135.

    Easterly and Levine 1997, p. 1206.

  136. 136.

    See the various contributions in Ndulu et al. 2008.

  137. 137.

    UNDP 2004, p. 4.

  138. 138.

    Ibid.

  139. 139.

    See http://www.iwgia.org/sw17656.asp. Accessed 19 May 2009, on IWGIA’s work in Africa.

  140. 140.

    Collier et al. 2008, vol. 1, pp. 421 et seq.

  141. 141.

    See, for instance, Arts. 1–2 UN Declaration on the Right to Development, GA Res. 41/128, UN Doc. A/41/53 (1986), 4 December 1986, and Arts. 3, 20 UN Indigenous Rights Declaration.

  142. 142.

    Art. 22(2) African Charter adds: ‘States shall have the duty, individually or collectively, to ensure the exercise of the right to development’.

  143. 143.

    Art. 2(3) UN Declaration on the Right to Development.

  144. 144.

    Art. 3 UN Indigenous Rights Declaration; see also Art. 20(1) for elaborations on that right.

  145. 145.

    Burger 1987, p. 1 versus Ole Simel 2008a, p. 10 and Ole Simel 2008b, displays the contradictions of indigenous rights advocacy in Africa.

  146. 146.

    See generally Alston 2005, pp. 755–829.

  147. 147.

    Formal education and development of educational infrastructure are central to the objectives of Dupoto-e-Maa, an indigenous development organization in Kajiado, Kenya (visited in July 2008).

  148. 148.

    See, for instance, Crawhall 2008 or Ntarangwi 2003.

  149. 149.

    Reference to Kingsbury 2001, pp. 69–110.

  150. 150.

    One of the final concessions made by advocates of indigenous rights in the final stages of the negotiation process of the 2007 UN Indigenous Rights Declaration was the addition of the last paragraph of the preamble: ‘Recognizing that the situation of indigenous peoples varies from region to region and from country to country and that the significance of national and regional particularities and various historical and cultural backgrounds should be taken into consideration’.

  151. 151.

    Representatives of those mentioned and several other communities attend regularly the yearly sessions of the UNPFII. Many were present during the sixth and seventh sessions attended by the present author in 2007 and 2008, respectively.

  152. 152.

    On an elaborate discussion of the marginality of Imazighen and the need for recognition of their distinctive identity, see Crawford 2002.

  153. 153.

    For instance, on the disruption, under the colonial and post-colonial state, of traditional patterns of land ownership of the Luo community in Kenya, see Easterly 2006, pp. 95–97 and Carotenuto 2006.

  154. 154.

    For relevant literature, see Cronk 2002, pp. 27–49; Cronk 1989; and Hodgson 2002b, pp. 1086–1097.

  155. 155.

    For a relevant analysis, see Miguel 2004, pp. 327–362.

  156. 156.

    An account of ethnicity-based claims in the political arena shows that current groups identifying with the global indigenous movement are not the only ones to express grievances against the state or state institutions. This is discussed in Ndegwa 1997, pp. 599–616.

  157. 157.

    This is the central argument in Mamdani 2001, pp. 24–39, 76 et seq. See also Lemarchand 1970, on the history of conflicts in Rwanda and Burundi.

  158. 158.

    As evidenced by, among many others, the title and contributions in Verber et al. 1993.

  159. 159.

    This was a common answer given during several interviews with members of Batwa communities in Nyaruguru and Gasabo Districts, Rwanda in June and July 2008.

  160. 160.

    For some critical examination of the two cases, see Henrard and Smis 2000, pp. 17–51; Abbay 2004, pp. 593–614; Murray and Simeon 2007; and Abbink 1997.

  161. 161.

    According to s. 6 of the 1996 South African Constitution, the official languages of the Republic are: Sepedi, Sesotho, Setswana, siSwati, Tshivenda, Xitsonga, Afrikaans, English, isiNdebele, isiXhosa and isiZulu. The same s. 6(5) institutes a body tasked with the mission to ‘promote, and create conditions for, the development and use of’ other languages such as the Khoi, Nama and San languages, sign languages, etc.

  162. 162.

    Abbink 1997, p. 161, makes a case against the ongoing process of ethnic revival in Ethiopia. See also Abbay 2004, pp. 593–614 and Henrard and Smis 2000, pp. 37 et seq.

  163. 163.

    These themes are recurrent in, for instance, Kymlicka’s writings such as Kymlicka and Norman 2000 or Kymlicka 2001. For a discussion of some of these concepts focusing on Africa, see Bratton and Mattes 2004, pp. 65 et seq.

  164. 164.

    See, for instance, Report of the UN Secretary-General, In Larger Freedom: Towards Development, Security and Human Rights for All, UN Doc. A/59/2005, 21 March 2005, paras 12–17. The report explained that the notion of larger freedom ‘encapsulates the idea that development, security and human rights go hand in hand’ (para 14). See also Thomas 2000, pp. 34 et seq. and Gasper 2007, pp. 9 et seq.

  165. 165.

    See the previously invoked sources such as the 1885 General Act of the Berlin Conference (mostly Art. VI); the 1919 Convention Revising the General Act of Berlin and the General Act and Declaration of Brussels; Anghie 1999, pp. 36 et seq.

  166. 166.

    See Hall 1948, pp. 13 et seq.

  167. 167.

    Sen 1999, pp. 229–230.

  168. 168.

    As a reminder, the NEPAD process (including the APRM) and some pillars of the AU have formally adhered to the pursuit of the realization of these goals. On the relevance of these principles for human security in Africa, Cilliers 2004.

  169. 169.

    See UNDP 2004, p. 52 (summarizing the gradual evolution from the ‘three federal regimes inherited from the colonial era’, to 4 regions in 1963, 12 states in 1967, 19 in 1976, 21 in 1987, 30 in 1991 and ‘a decentralized system of 36 states and 775 local governments’ in 1999).

  170. 170.

    See, for instance, Akanji 2009, Ebeku 2008, and Jinadu 1985.

  171. 171.

    For the various instruments and institutional decisions, see http://www.africa-union.org/root/au/index/index.htm. Accessed 1 June 2009.

  172. 172.

    Art. 1(k) of the African Union Non-Aggression and Common Defence Pact, Abuja, 2005, AU Doc 0031. According to this provision, human security means ‘security of the individual in terms of satisfaction of his/her basic needs. It also includes the creation of social, economic, political, environmental and cultural conditions necessary for the survival and dignity of the individual, the protection of and respect for human rights, good governance and the guarantee for each individual of opportunities and choices for his/her full development’.

  173. 173.

    For suggestions on areas in need of further development in the particular field of human rights, see Mutua 2007, pp. 547–630.

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Ndahinda, F.M. (2011). Indigenousness, Human Security and Empowerment of Marginalized Identities in Africa. In: Indigenousness in Africa. T.M.C. Asser Press. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-90-6704-609-1_8

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