Abstract
Social policy in Mediterranean countries, including Spain, is characterized by “familism.” Official policy in this region reinforces the historically crucial role of the family as welfare provider. This chapter argues that although “familism” is still a central feature of the Spanish welfare state, a serious erosion of “familism” is taking place. This erosion is evident in increased state and/or market provision of care services, which were traditionally provided by the family, and is illustrated here with an examination of childcare policies in Spain since 1975.
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Notes
- 1.
The research contained in this paper is part of a larger international and comparative research project on ``Gender and citizenship in multicultural Europe: The impact of the contemporary women’s movements (FEMCIT)’ financed by the European Commission’s Sixth Framework Program (EC contract number 028746-2).
- 2.
Esping-Andersen (1990, pp. 3–4) analyzes the variation across welfare states along three dimensions: the type of social rights; the type of stratification that the welfare state produces; and the interrelation of the state, the market, and the family in the provision of welfare.
- 3.
Two other types of welfare states exist in the classification made by Esping-Andersen (1990, pp. 7–28): the social democratic and the liberal welfare states. Social democratic welfare states, which exist in Nordic countries, are characterized by wide universal benefits, a high level of de-commodification and social programs that are directed to all social classes. The purpose of social policy in this type of welfare state is to attain equality. The state provides generous care services for children, the elderly, and others in need of care.
- 4.
Most authors argue that “familism” is a central feature of the Spanish welfare state, regardless of whether authors classify the Spanish state as belonging to the cluster of continental welfare states or to a fourth cluster of Mediterranean welfare states.
- 5.
In the same opinion poll 2.2% of the interviewed identified themselves as belonging to other religions, 13.1% as nonbelievers, 6.4% as atheist, and 2.4% did not answer.
- 6.
- 7.
Other childcare policies such as tax exceptions for childcare expenses are less important than the supply of preschool places in public centers. Because of space constraints, only the latter is analyzed in this chapter.
- 8.
However, some regional governments were more committed to public preschooling than others. Because of space constraints, regional variations are not analyzed here.
- 9.
In exchange for state funding, if the number of applicants exceeds the number of places subsidized private centers must use the same criteria as public centers to select students. They must also supply education free of charge (this does not include extracurricular activities, school meals, or school textbooks) and they must allow parents, students, and school staff to participate in school decision-making.
- 10.
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Valiente, C. (2010). The Erosion of “Familism” in the Spanish Welfare State: Childcare Policy Since 1975. In: Ajzenstadt, M., Gal, J. (eds) Children, Gender and Families in Mediterranean Welfare States. Children¿s Well-Being: Indicators and Research, vol 2. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-90-481-8842-0_6
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