Introduction and overview
This chapter integrates the results on sentential negation (from Chapter 3) with the analysis of negative concord and double negation (from Chapter 4). Section 1 develops the classification of co-occurrence restrictions between sentential negation and negative indefinites in negative concord and double negation languages. The grammar of negative spread supports the claims made by de Swart and Sag’s (2002) that in the presence of n-words, the marker of sentential negation in negative concord languages is semantically redundant (Section 2).
Even though the marker of sentential negation is not needed to convey negation in negative concord contexts, many languages combine it with n-words. In line with much current literature, I take sentential negation to serve as a scope marker in such cases. Two syntactic constraints governing the scope of negation account for the contrast between strict and nonstrict negative concord languages. Section 3 shows how the preverbal/postverbal asymmetry exploits NegFirst. Section 4 introduces a new constraint in order to capture strict negative concord languages in which a marker of sentential negation always accompanies an n-word.
Sections 5 through 10 treat in more detail the complex situations found in Catalan, French, Welsh, Hungarian, West Flemish, and Afrikaans. Section 11 concludes the chapter.
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Notes
- 1.
Watanabe (2004) glosses nani-mo as ‘what-mo’, because it consists of a wh-item followed by the focus particle mo. In line with the way n-words are written in this book, I gloss it as ‘nothing’.
- 2.
Richter and Sailer (2006) call their principle the Neg Criterion, due to its similarity in effect to the Neg Criterion of Haegeman and Zanuttini (1996). Given the differences in theoretical framework between Haegeman and Zanuttini’s generative syntax and Richter and Sailer’s HPSG formulation, the details of the formulation are not the same.
- 3.
The expression dim byd literally means ‘no world’, but it is used as a fixed expression for ‘nothing’.
- 4.
The constraints are intended to account for finite main clauses. The situation of negation in nonfinite and subordinate clauses in Welsh is different, and will not be treated here, because the ramifications for the syntax are beyond the scope of this book (cf. Chapter 3, Section 5 for some discussion, but no analysis). Borsley and Jones (2005) offer extensive data and an HPSG analysis.
- 5.
Surányi (2006a,b) glosses the sem part of the sem-expressions as sem. I follow his glosses, even though I adopt a different semantics of s-pronouns and sem-expressions, as will become clear shortly.
- 6.
Thanks to an anonymous reviewer for drawing my attention to the example of oute in relation to the Hungarian sem-expressions.
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de Swart, H. (2010). Sentential Negation and Negative Indefinites. In: Expression and Interpretation of Negation. Studies in Natural Language and Linguistic Theory, vol 77. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-90-481-3162-4_5
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