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“Inclusive Growth” and Income Inequality in India Under Globalization: Causes, Consequences and Policy Responses

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Regional Development and Public Policy Challenges in India

Part of the book series: India Studies in Business and Economics ((ISBE))

Abstract

In the eighth chapter, the author provides an overview of the factors responsible for India’s spatial structure of growth and development. He argues that growth so far has not translated into development and one of its manifestations is high regional imbalance. The author takes up multiple parameters like income, consumption, poverty, employment, urbanization and migration for the last two decades at the state level and shows that in the post-globalization phase, there has been a rise in economic inequality. Considering the disparity across size, class and urban centres, he argues that per capita consumption expenditure in metropolitan cities has increased at a significantly higher rate compared to other urban areas. Such increasing inequality is primarily because many of these metropolitan cities have got directly linked to the global market in recent years. Surprisingly, mobility among the Indian population has gone down, particularly towards large metropolitan cities. He has attributed such a reverse trend to growing regionalism, and assertion of regional identity, change in skill requirement in the urban labour market, ­land-use restrictions at the city level, inhospitable attitude towards migrants, etc. With the growing impact of global economy, migration to cities has become selective as a substantial number of migrants are now from the middle income group. Declining mobility among the poor would make poverty levels in backward states persistently high, as migration, he argues, is a definite instrument of improving economic well being and escaping poverty. He then extensively discusses the institutions and programmes that are instrumental for balanced regional development in India and thinks that programmes for structural reforms in early 1990s have led to further concentration of public and private investments in developed regions, guided by the consideration of economic efficiency. Importantly, India has gradually made a distinct shift in its regional development strategy, giving thrust to vulnerable districts, blocks and settlements within the framework of decentralisation. Since 2004–05, there is a paradigm shift, as many of the backward states including those in the Northeast, have recorded significant acceleration in their growth, whereby the inter-state disparity in the growth rate of State Domestic Product or in per capita SDP has shown some stability. Unfortunately, this pattern of growth has not been sustained in recent years with many of the backward states showing deceleration in growth, and income inequality increasing again. The author thinks that research and policy discussion on the factors responsible for such regional disparity in India is inconclusive and inadequate. Given the planning apparatus in the country which is essentially centralized, there has not been a big demand for empirical studies to restructure the policies and programmes at the state and lower levels. Therefore at the level of policy formulation process, such gaps need to be filled up to ensure unbiased outcome and then to enhance greater socio-economic equity, which alone can guarantee faster growth in the long run.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    These revisions have led to an increase in the value of horticultural output by over 60 % for 1993–1994, which has meant an upward revision of total agricultural GDP by about 7 %. Also, the rate of growth of this output works out to be more than double the rate of growth of remaining crops, so that about 35 % of the total increase in the value of crop output between 1993–1994 and 1998–1999 is attributed to fruits and vegetables alone, suggesting an overestimation. Further, the assumption of equal productivity growth in rural and urban nonagricultural sector has exaggerated the growth of rural incomes.

  2. 2.

    Questioning the thesis that the recent acceleration in growth is due to the policies and programmes of globalization and structural adjustment, Nayyar (2006) argues that the first break associated with independence from colonial rule is more significant than the structural break in the early 1980s.

  3. 3.

    Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan are the only states that emerge as exceptions, as noted by Ahmad and Narain (2008).

  4. 4.

    Bhattacharya and Sakthivel (2004) have argued that “Post-reform period witnessed sharp deceleration in public investment due to fiscal constraints, especially in the poorer and backward states”.

  5. 5.

    The percentage of lifetime (male) migrants in urban areas has gone down from 37.5 to 26.0 during 1961–1991 and that of intercensal migrants from 23.8 to 11.7 %, although the three decades—particularly the 1970s—have seen a relatively high growth of urban population.

  6. 6.

    This could be attributed to many of the graduates from rural areas flocking into small and medium towns as they find absorption in large cities increasingly difficult.

  7. 7.

    “Redressing regional disparities is essential for maintaining the integrated social and economic fabric of the country without which the country may be faced with a situation of discontent, anarchy and breakdown of law and order” Government of India (2008).

  8. 8.

    The central government does not provide the loan component of NCA since 2005–2006, and consequently its importance vis-à-vis Finance Commission transfer has become less.

  9. 9.

    A discussion with the officials of both the Planning Commission and Finance Commission confirms that a final decision in the matter has not yet been taken despite the 11th plan document’s noting that “there does not seem to be any reason any more for continuing with two different formulae for apportionment of the share of central taxes and NCA among the states…. Two components of resource flows being distributed to the states on the basis of the same formulae could continue”.

  10. 10.

    The scheme has built in a mechanism to take funds to less developed regions within the state as it gives 75 % weightage to housing shortage and 25 % to the share of SC/ST population for district-level allocations.

  11. 11.

    With further subdivision of the districts, presently there are eight districts, namely Kalahandi, Nuapada, Bolangir, Sonepur, Koraput, Nabrangpur, Malkangiri and Rayagada that fall in the region.

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Kundu, A. (2015). “Inclusive Growth” and Income Inequality in India Under Globalization: Causes, Consequences and Policy Responses. In: Bhattacharya, R. (eds) Regional Development and Public Policy Challenges in India. India Studies in Business and Economics. Springer, New Delhi. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-81-322-2346-7_8

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