Abstract
Before brand creators can set out to make a (any) city a special citybrand, they obviously need to familiarize themselves with the subject of their work. Not only with the city for which a brand is to be specifically developed, but also generally with what a city ‘is’. The latter, the social phenomenon of the city, has long been one of the more complex and often controversially discussed objects of (social) scientific and societal debates. Therefore, overly simple answers are not permissible—even for the reflective brand creator. The search for what makes a specific city unique leads to two contradictory insights. On the one hand, both residents and strangers often seem to know very precisely what characterizes the respective city. There are often very precise and detailed ideas. This makes the city a prototype of what can be understood as a brand. Nevertheless, both locals and outsiders, (knowledgeable) residents and (insightful) observers as well as visitors know very well that the respective city cannot—and should not—be forced into a fixed and clear image. This strange ambivalence significantly determines the attractiveness of each specific city. At the same time, as a characteristic feature of urbanity, it often collides with familiar views and ways of thinking in the world of brands, which, for example, always strive to reduce ambiguities or avoid ambivalence.
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Notes
- 1.
Lampugnani (2017, p. 7) lists—in addition to the society in which the respective city is embedded—the following characteristics of a city: “The topography of the place, the nature of the soil, the materials available in the immediate vicinity, the construction techniques, the climate, the hygiene, the property relations, the mechanisms of economic exploitation of the plots, the legal instruments regulating this exploitation, but also philosophy, religion, ideology, politics and art influence and determine the form of the city.”
- 2.
- 3.
- 4.
Sennett (2018, p. 21–89) provides an instructive overview of classics of urbanism: among others Ildefons Cerdà, Baron Haussmann and Frederick Law Olmstedt, Georg Simmel, Max Weber and Ferdinand Tönnies, the Chicago School (Robert E. Park and Louis Wirth), Louis Sullivan, Frank Lloyd Wright, Le Corbusier and Lucio Costa, Robert Moses, Jane Jacobs and Lewis Mumford. Briefly and concisely to this Finch (2016) and Smith (2016). Comprehensive overviews of urban research are provided by Eckardt (2012, 2017).
- 5.
https://amandafrances.com/turning-sht-into-gold/. Accessed on 15.10.2021.
- 6.
As an example: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tokio. Accessed on 15.10.2021.
- 7.
In German, “Tokio” is currently more common. However, the also possible “Tokyo” corresponds more closely to the Japanese “東京” (Tōkyō).
- 8.
For a detailed discussion, see Häusler, 2021b, pp. 20–21. See also the subchapter “Defining Tokyo” in Jacobs, 2019, in which the question of definition is presented as a “conundrum”. Urban sociology generally postulates a new phase of urban development after 1960, which is “characterized by the development of sprawling spaces into the landscape [and] the formation of ever new suburban spaces and urban peripheries” (Schäfers, 2006, p. 308). An early analysis of urban sprawl in the USA: Jackson, 1985. This situation description applies to numerous (if not most) cities: “There are two Bostons. The most obvious is the historic hub city of forty-eight square miles. The second is the metropolitan area, which is more difficult to grasp. It varies in size and makeup depending on who is defining it” (O’Connell, 2013). Similarly, a very early text of urban sociology: “The significant essence of the metropolis lies in this functional size beyond its physical boundaries […] a city also consists of the totality of effects that reach beyond its immediacy. This is its real extent, in which its being is expressed” (Simmel, 2020, pp. 33–34; first published 1903).
- 9.
From a city political and planning perspective, however, they are very central (see, for example, Cohen, 2019, who historically illuminates urban renewal processes in New Haven, Boston, and New York).
- 10.
See https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sch%C3%A4l_Sick. Accessed on 17.2.2023.
- 11.
https://genius.com/Franz-josef-degenhardt-spiel-nicht-mit-den-schmuddelkindern-lyrics. Accessed on 19.10.2021.
- 12.
And segregation is one of the most regrettable features of urban space (see, for example, the historical Detroit study by Thomas J. Sugrue, 2014).
- 13.
Such a process is extensively and excitingly described by Sudjic, 2016 for London. He characterizes the transformation process as the work of powerful actors in politics and business—although not always targeted: “What eventually happened to Canary Wharf was planning as the result of unintended consequences” (p. 101).
- 14.
The New York Times headlined on March 1, 1960, on page 6: “Tokyo, Meet New York: Cities to Be ‘Sisters’ in Plan for Cultural Exchanges”.
- 15.
On the topic of city comparison (as a research method, but above all as an element of self-definition and external definition) see Lindner, 2022 (pp. 177–198): Cities are “cultural phenomena […], which can only be grasped and understood in their special form in relation to other cities” (p. 190).
- 16.
https://se-scholar.com/se-blog/2017/6/23/who-said-the-whole-is-greater-than-the-sum-of-the-parts. Emphasis by us. Accessed on 19.10.2021.
- 17.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lydia_Davis. Accessed on 4. 8. 2021. An example: “My Childhood Friend. Who is this old man walking along looking a little grim with a wool cap on his head? But when I call out to him and he turns around, he doesn’t know me at first, either—this old woman smiling foolishly at him in her winter coat” (Davis, 2014, p. 235).
- 18.
“The Palgrave Handbook of Literature and the City gives us the most complete single account available of how cities exist at the moment in theory and literature, not restricting itself to cities in the western traditions of Europe and North America. It gives some sense of the history of cities, paying attention to differences and continuities observable in comparing ancient, premodern, and modern cities” (Tambling, 2016b, p. vii).
- 19.
Inspiring elaborations on very early examples (in Germany in the early modern period) of text cities are provided by Kleinschmidt, 1999. Interestingly, this very early “city praise poetry” is not only concerned with reproduction, but also with the construction of (attractive) city images: “The result is a city that is not only interpreted, but can be experienced differently, in which the reader moves, following the rhetorical figurations and narrative methods.” Already it “fulfills needs of exaggerated representation” (p. 78)—early modern city marketing, clearly avant la lettre.
- 20.
On the ‘readability of the city’, Weich refers to the classic The Image of the City by Kevin Lynch (1960). In general, he deals with the “problem of the describability of the object ‘big city’”, is therefore interested in “text strategies [for] complexity reduction”, asks which “techniques, methods, models were developed to capture the indescribable [the city] nevertheless” and presents “some cognitive and textual patterns of everyday big city description from the fields of geography, semiotics and linguistics” (Weich, 1999, p. 40)—overall an interesting and substantial non-specialist, inter-disciplinary lesson for city brand makers to deal with the different concepts images of the city, imagined city, urban imaginations and urban imaginaries (see Prakash, 2010 p. 2).
- 21.
So says the historian and tourism researcher Valentin Groebner in an interview (https://www.nzz.ch/gesellschaft/urlaub-ist-verzweiflung-am-alltag-als-belohnung-verpackt-ld.1641966. Emphasis by us. Accessed on 13.4.2022).
- 22.
Villoro, 2022, quoting Spanish author Álvaro Pombo after he had visited Mexico City. The New York Times presents a longer series of such literature-based city portraits: https://www.nytimes.com/series/literary-guides. Accessed on 26.11.2022.
- 23.
The author lists in the appendix of his study (Nies, 2014, p. 375–378) over 120 significant works in the period 1785–2012.
- 24.
The almost classic list of significant foresto (non-Venetians) ranges from Goethe to Byron, Ruskin, James, Mann, and Brodsky (with Italian interjections, but these are not necessarily Venetians: Calvino; the last ‘star’ from Venice: Casanova, his memoirs were published 1789–1798). This overall impression is reinforced when searching for ‘best books on Venice’ in relevant search engines.
- 25.
So, referring to Rome, also the thesis of Maurer (2021)—the telling book title: Homecoming. Goethe, Italy and the Germans’ Search for Themselves.
- 26.
Generally on this phenomenon of the ‘tourist gaze’ see Williams, 2019, p. 21–23. He refers to the cultural sociologist John Urry and the art critic Peter Plagens—the latter attacks the corresponding authors very undiplomatically: “the fashionable sonofabitch doesn’t have to live there”.
- 27.
Exemplary most recently Leïla Slimani (2022, p. 97). First quoted is Pier Paolo Pasolini: “Venice is in its death throes.” To then add: “Venice too is about to die. To look at this city means to witness a death struggle.” An interesting—though not completely new—afterthought: “Venice carries the germ of its destruction within itself, and perhaps it is this fragility that makes its splendor.” The caravan of Venice literature moves on.
- 28.
The Duden on ‘palimpsest’: ancient or medieval manuscript, from which the original text [possibly multiple times] scraped or washed off and then rewritten. See also Lindner, 2022, p. 223. This also fits the description of New York, specifically Brooklyn Heights, by the protagonist Julius in Teju Cole’s (2012, p. 59) novel Open City: “The site was a palimpsest, as was all the city, written, erased, rewritten.”
- 29.
- 30.
Especially from a trademark law perspective, this threatens the beginning of the end of a brand: when a product becomes generic, i.e., instead of a specific offer, it begins to become a general offer category (the so-called Tempo tissue phenomenon).
- 31.
On the Venice industry, for example in Las Vegas and Macao, see also Spurr, 2016, pp. 274–275.
- 32.
- 33.
There are hymns to cities, for example on the long-playing record “4630 Bochum” by Herbert Grönemeyer: “You are not a world city/On your Königsallee/No fashion shows take place/Here, where the heart still counts/Not the big money/Who lives in Düsseldorf”. See https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/4630_Bochum. Accessed on 24.1.2023. The jazz musician Brad Mehldau captures his memories of cities like Amsterdam, Los Angeles, Madrid, Paris or Perugia, musically on the CD Places (2000): https://www.bradmehldaumusic.com/places. Accessed on 25.2.2023.
- 34.
On Venice in German post-war film and hit song: Nies, 2014, pp. 253–265.
- 35.
- 36.
- 37.
Behringer (1999, p. 81) reports on the early history of such city books in Germany.
- 38.
Perhaps now falling out of (digital) time: “A coffee table book, also known as a cocktail table book, is an oversized, usually hard-covered book whose purpose is for display on a table intended for use in an area in which one entertains guests and from which it can serve to inspire conversation or pass the time.” https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Coffee_table_book. Accessed on 24.4.2022. A classic on Paris: Morand, 1970. More contemporary (on Venice—and corresponding other dream destinations for a city trip): Groothuis, 2015.
- 39.
Even if the situation does not seem hopeless: “Traditionally, crime novels in the literary business were considered lowly valued trivial literature, written for a broad and not very demanding reading audience. […] Meanwhile, the crime novel is a recognized literary genre, for which numerous literary prizes are awarded.” https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kriminalroman. Accessed on 25.4.2022.
- 40.
And the ‘local color’ seems to be a major reason for the success of these books (https://www.media-mania.de/index.php?action=artikel&id=51. Accessed on 25.4.2022).
- 41.
BücherTreff.de lists for Germany (with interactive map) 9233 local crime novels with 1846 investigators from 463 regions. https://www.buechertreff.de/lokalkrimis/. Accessed 25.4.2022. Analogous information can be found there for Austria and Switzerland. See also https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Regionalkrimi. Accessed 25.4.2022.
- 42.
https://www.welt.de/print/die_welt/vermischtes/article12705151/Goerlitz-ist-noch-krimifrei.html. Accessed 25.4.2022. A very entertaining (and short) history of the German city crime novel. In a longer historical (about 1850-today) and international perspective: Knight, 2016.
- 43.
See section 4.5, where a comparative empirical study of the cities of Birmingham, Dortmund, Frankfurt, and Glasgow is reported, which postulates exactly this (in contrast to the publications of city marketing) (Richter, 2014). For more details, see Rauscher and Richter (2014), where the results of the comparative analysis of 240 crime novels are presented (79 for Frankfurt, 61 for Glasgow, 59 for Dortmund, and 41 for Birmingham).
- 44.
See Behringer and Roeck (1999) on the production of “city artworks” in Germany in the Early Modern period (1400–1800). A history that is strongly associated with the name Merian—and thus became the namesake of the well-known travel magazine (https://hls-dhs-dss.ch/de/articles/019075/2008-10-30/.https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Merian_(Reisemagazin). Accessed on 24.4.2022).
- 45.
For a first overview see: Tambling, 2016c; Klotz, 1969. Especially literary pedestrians in modern cities accompany Elkin, 2016 (Tokyo, New York, London, Paris, Venice) and Beaumont, 2020 (Edgar Allan Poe, Charles Dickens, Edward Bellamy, H.G. Wells, G.K. Chesterton, Ford Maddox Ford, Virginia Wolf, George Bataille, Ray Bradbury).
- 46.
For New York see: https://www.nycgo.com/articles/urban-legends-slideshow/. For Ulm see: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ulmer_Spatz. Accessed on 24.4.2022. For the appearance of even smaller cities in city ‘books’ see Merian, 2006, for the possible role of such urban legends in brand development projects see the presentation of the case study on Ulm in Sect. 4.6.
- 47.
Kleinschmidt (1999, p. 79–80) points to the close connection between “city history and city image” already in baroque “city poetry”. Pehnt (2021) emphasizes the importance of historically far-reaching “origin legends” for the construction of city myths in his studies on Jerusalem, Athens, Rome, Constantinople, Byzantium, Istanbul, Aachen, Venice, Paris, Berlin, Dresden, St. Petersburg, Chicago, and Washington.
- 48.
Of course, other perspectives exist as well. A brief disciplinary history of Urban History is provided by Ewen, 2016. The development of German modern urban history is discussed by Haumann & Schott, 2020; Hoschek, 2020. In the context of Global Urban History, Harris, 2021 provides an argument for the special role of cities in the development of human societies. From a comparative perspective, Clark (2013b) offers an overview of cities in world history.
- 49.
On the ambivalence of tidying up, see Wehrli, 2002.
- 50.
Very inspiring for the following: Sarasin, 2009.
- 51.
There, the city is not explicitly mentioned.
- 52.
This quote from Theodor Fontane initiates the search for the “Berlinish” by Jens Bisky, 2019.
- 53.
See the later Sect. 2.5 for this.
- 54.
See the preceding Sect. 2.2 for this.
- 55.
This debate also shapes (urban) sociology; see the following Sect. 2.4.
- 56.
- 57.
The most prominent example in this context: St. Moritz. For the current situation and a brief historical review, see: https://www.nzz.ch/schweiz/dekadenz-pelzmaentel-reiche-russen-quo-vadis-st-moritz-ld.1698640. Accessed on 20.10.2022.
- 58.
In the truest sense of the word, this is how Rainer Metzger (2015) proceeds when he tells the history of the city as “world history in [twelve] stories […] From ancient Athens to the megacities”.
- 59.
See also Schlögel (2006, p. 10): “The place always proved to be the appropriate stage and frame of reference to visualize an era in all its complexity.”
- 60.
So again Schlögel (2007, p. 10): “The place maintained the context and demanded the mental reproduction. The juxtaposition of the simultaneity of the non-simultaneous. The reference to the place always secretly contained a plea for a histoire totale—at least as an idea, as a goal.”
- 61.
Cf. Osterhammel (2009, p. 382): Already in the Nineteenth century, “the very large cities were integrated into international networks of trade, migration and communication. In other words: Even in the ‘age of nation-states’, states are not necessarily ‘stronger’ than the large cities, which serve as collection points and distributors of not only national capital and for which ‘transnational’ relations are a basis for existence. Urban development is no more a direct consequence of state formation than it is an epiphenomenon of industrialization.”
- 62.
Representative and probably genre-defining: Ackroyd, 2001.
- 63.
Again exemplary for many: Miller, 2003, 2014.
- 64.
Particularly ambitious: Schlögel, 2008.
- 65.
https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Biografie. Accessed on 26.10.2022.
- 66.
“The myth of Amsterdam is a myth of the spirit” (Mak, 2001, p. 3).
- 67.
- 68.
See the corresponding discourse in literature and literary studies in the preceding chapter.
- 69.
For a brief summary, see Roeck, 2012 and Stöckly, 2012. Perhaps it is no coincidence that another prominent city biography ends with this chapter: “While the Music lasts”—obviously referring to the Titanic saga. The music of Venice is used to describe the “Venetian temperament”: “vivacity, gaiety, radiance, extravagance, energy, buoyancy, spontaneity, urgency, facility, exuberance, impetuosity. Oh! Venezia!” (Ackroyd, 2010, p. 462). This is another example of the fact that “the central narrative about Venice is determined to deny contemporary history and to privilege instead those centuries when the city was the capital of the empire […] The music of Vivaldi resounds, while that of Luigi Nono is seldom heard” (Bosworth, 2014, p. 247). For Nono see https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Luigi_Nono. Accessed on 21.1.2023.
- 70.
Bisky (2009, pp. 17–19) refers to the (possible) significance of the connection between typical dialect (sociolect of the big city) and city identity.
- 71.
A “small open or closed garden house for temporary stay of persons or for storing equipment”. https://de.wiktionary.org/wiki/Laube. Accessed on 26.10.2022.
- 72.
For other interpretations of Tokyo (especially by architects and urban planners), see the Tokyology in Almazán, 2021, pp. 194–205.
- 73.
These ‘cultural prejudices’ could have two origins. Seidensticker is certainly in agreement in his preference for the ‘past’ Tokyo (immediate premodern past of the city) with Nagai Kafū, the Japanese writer to whom he dedicates the book in his preface. However, Seidensticker’s narrative could also (unintentionally) be a variant of the latent Orientalism attacked by Edward Said (1979).
- 74.
“[H]istory does not necessarily disappear if old buildings are lost” (p. 275)—with this statement, Jinnai, 2020 characterizes Tokyo quite differently. Through his “eco-history”, the Japanese capital becomes an “environment-friendly, sustainable and truly affluent [water] city suitable for the twenty-first century—one that is different from the typical model of modern, Western-style urban development” (p. 282).
- 75.
A completely different perspective on Chicago (and not only on Chicago)—with a focus on environmental history—is presented by Cronon, 1992.
- 76.
Of course, several mother cities appear in connection with the birth of ‘modern America’ (even with the same historian): “How Jazz age Manhattan gave birth to modern America” (Miller, 2014).
- 77.
The historian quotes here the writer Frank Norris. https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Frank_Norris. Accessed on 21.1.2023.
- 78.
- 79.
And even if they appear as a book, their form can vary greatly: “Here is a kaleidoscopic assemblage and poetic history of New York: an unparalleled and original homage to the city, composed entirely of quotations” (Goldsmith, 2015).
- 80.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/New_York:_A_Documentary_Film. Accessed on 25.10.2022. An informative background conversation with the makers of the film: https://www.boweryboyshistory.com/2022/08/capturing-history-ric-burns-and-james-sanders-on-new-york-a-documentary-film.html. Accessed on 31.10.2022.
- 81.
Remarkably, the critical (German) urban research is repeatedly fascinated by this city (and organizes international scientific symposia on it): “For urban researchers, New York is considered a huge field experiment [because there are] the contours of a development that can also be observed in German cities or would be possible. Therefore, both questions are justified: What is exemplary and what is unique about New York? (Häußermann & Siebel, 1993, p. 7)”
- 82.
https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Downtown_Switzerland. Accessed on 31.10.2022.
- 83.
From a brand strategy perspective, this phenomenon—the desire for (relative) anonymity—is of course to be taken into account. Not every brand is keen to make the ‘providers behind it’ widely known. Corresponding brand architectures are part of the tools of brand making.
- 84.
See the case study Ulm in 6 4.
- 85.
For the second ‘development push’—the development towards the ‘late modern city’ after the 1960s/70s—see the remarks on Reckwitz in Sect. 2.6.
- 86.
For a very detailed and fact-rich history of the “metropolises of modernity”, albeit limited to Europe, see Lenger, 2013.
- 87.
The lifelines of the city—in reference to “The Lifelines of our Society” (van Laak, 2018).
- 88.
- 89.
This does not exclude processes of “urban self-westernization” (Osterhammel, 2009, pp. 424–426).
- 90.
There, as well as in the following two quotes, in a completely different thematic context. For New York City in the 1960s, the situation is described very similarly by many authors (see Sect. 4.3).
- 91.
This does not cover all conceivable—and social scientifically processed—challenging product features of the urban—such as the health challenges: “Why cities make us sick”, is the subtitle of the book by the psychiatrist Adli (2017) or enduring basic features of urban life (being a “world of strangers”), as explored by the anthropology of the city (Lindner, 2022). Ethnographic urban research fundamentally treats cities as terra incognita: “One of the essential characteristics of the metropolis is the simple fact that it is not manageable” (Lindner, 2004, p. 71). Urban research in this perspective resembles journeys into unknown regions, prototypically as journeys “into the undiscovered land of the poor” (p. 15).
- 92.
For a current classification of the work first published in 1968, see the readable preface by Christoph Schäfer in the German version cited here. Key scientific works on the “city as polis” are presented by Eckardt (2017, p. 351–462).
- 93.
A (very) short history of the political science “theory of urban politics” and the “theories of municipal power” can be found in Häußermann et al., 2008, p. 337–361.
- 94.
A current case study on possible conflicts between city brand and (new) city residents is provided by Tsavdaroglou and Kaika (2022). They report on the successful resistance of refugees against their expulsion from the city center as a result of the positioning efforts of the city brand Athens. The struggle between “entrepreneurial city branding” and the right to the city for refugees is analyzed: “Overall, we argue that refugees’ common spaces demonstrate not only the possibility for generating hindrances to city-branding policies, but also a remarkable ‘capaciousness’ […] and ‘inventiveness’ […] for a new transnational right to the city” (p. 1144).
- 95.
- 96.
See the latter Wilson, 2021, p. 258: “Alienation and sociability lie side by side in the city, two faces of the same coin.”
- 97.
Functional, temporal, cultural, social and architectural differentiations of the city are discussed in detail there.
- 98.
Prototypical for this: New York as a city of dreams. A very impressive comprehensive study on the 400-year history of immigrants from all over the world in New York is provided by Anbinder, 2016.
- 99.
For a critical and stimulating discussion of this theoretical framework, see Siebel, 2015, pp. 318–354.
- 100.
- 101.
Representative of many: Diamond and Sugrue, 2020, Lever, 2001 and Sassen, 2019. See corresponding contributions in Eckardt (2017) and Künkel et al., 2012. An instructive overview article (focused on Western Europe and metropolitan regions) is provided by Brenner, 2003. The latest episode in the history of the global city is addressed by Portes and Armony (2023a) in their anthology on “Emerging Global Cities”. It examines “the arrival of new actors that seek to imitate, in their respective regional spheres, the achievements and experience of established global cities” (Portes & Armony, 2023b, p. 30), presenting case studies on “peripheral urbanization” (p. 32): Dubai, Miami, Singapore, New Orleans, São Paulo, Lagos and Hong Kong.
- 102.
The formation of the specific local space, which acts as an actor and faces global competition (as an “imagined unit of competition”), is a remarkable aspect of local political debates (Brenner, 2003, p. 305). This is also a fundamental question of brand development (see already Sect. 2.1): which product (which specific urban space) is to be developed into a brand?
- 103.
Following Bourdieu, Brenner (2003, pp. 306 and 320) refers to the often cited “imperatives of globalization” as “categories of analysis” and as “categories of practice”. An empirical look at the interrelationship between globalization and urban planning is taken by Sorensen (2005) using the example of Tokyo. He particularly points out the ideological use of the (supposed) pressure of globalization on urban politics: “it can also be argued that the concept of globalization in Japanese political discourse is primarily used as a strategic tool to gain political advantage” (p. 235); he refers in particular to Machimura, 1998.
- 104.
For a compact introduction, see Kurz & Schwer, 2022. For the recent history of the link between product design and sales promotion, see pp. 63–67.
- 105.
See the entry urban design in Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Urban_design. Accessed on 14.10.2022. An attempt to inventory the things that (supposedly) make up the city of Zurich is undertaken by Müller (1975). He combines designed and grown elements, reports on (one hundred) buildings and sites that “shape the image of this city.” He is sure: “This is what Zurich looks like today.” However, his self-doubts regarding the universality and permanence of this, his, snapshot also become clear.
- 106.
See also this classic on the history of urban planning: Hall, 2014.
- 107.
See also one of the classics of architectural history: Giedion, 2015.
- 108.
- 109.
An entertaining comparison of the two: https://robbreport.com/shelter/spaces/calatrava-vs-gehry-worlds-best-architect-2853855/. Accessed on 15.10.2022. Alaily-Matter et al. (2022) point out the different terminologies and mention exceptional architecture, star and iconic architecture, monumental, spectacular, signature, flagship, starchitecture.
- 110.
The separation—urban planning versus architecture—does not always have to be significant. An example of this is the recurring preoccupation of individual architects with the ideal city (cf. Koolhaas, 1978).
- 111.
“And the heroine? She is not a heroine at all, but the hero’s wife, she stays where she is, and protects the house. She also has to stay there so that someone is at home when the victorious hero returns” (Dörrie, 2022, p. 13).
- 112.
The central work: Jacobs, 1961.
- 113.
A conceptually broad and almost contemporary (eye-witness) classification of Jane Jacobs is provided by Berman, 2010, pp. 312–329. For a theory-laden positive (albeit brief) appreciation of Jacob’s thinking and actions (“critique from the margins”) see Scott (1998, pp. 132–146). See also Sennett, 2018, pp. 78–83. In his history of ideas of ‘urbanism’ and the ‘urbanists’ (about 70 pages), just under five pages are devoted to Jacobs. Jacobs only appears sporadically in Lumpagnani (2011).
- 114.
The exciting study on the impact history of the city planner Logue (Cohen, 2019) makes it very clear how directly and comprehensively the success (or failure) of his planning intentions was always dependent on the participation (or non-participation) of the affected population groups.
- 115.
- 116.
Lindner (2022, p. 179 ff.) describes the astonishing discovery of differences between cities in anthropology in the early 1970s.
- 117.
- 118.
Cf. the following Häusler, 2021a, pp. 48–53.
- 119.
- 120.
Cf. on the invention of the Swiss National Park as ‘primeval nature’—in contrast to the American national park idea: Kupper, 2012.
- 121.
Here the deeper meaning of the hit lists of so-called valuable brands and especially of the numerous city rankings is revealed. See Anttiroiko, 2014.
- 122.
Which is also not completely undisputed.
- 123.
Of course, there are “in the global city competition for own logic and otherness from the start potential winners and potential losers—those cities that are historically favored in terms of their urban singularity capital, and those that are handicapped” (Reckwitz, 2017, p. 390).
- 124.
This is also recorded for the history of the marketing of the city of Berlin: “However, ideas that have always run counter to the authorities have also contributed to the image building” (Biskup & Schalenberg, 2008, p. 17).
- 125.
Critically on this Gehring, 2008, p. 158.
- 126.
On the inherent logic of cities, see several contributions in Berking and Löw, 2008a (especially Löw, 2008b; Gehring, 2008) and Löw, 2008a, especially pp. 65–115. A definition of the term is provided by Löw, 2008a (p. 76): “Inherent logic captures praxeologically the hidden structures of cities as locally established, mostly silently effective pre-reflexive processes of sense constitution (Doxa) and their physical-cognitive inscription (Habitus).”
- 127.
Berking and Löw (2008b, p. 11) mention as relevant concepts: collective memory, local emotional world, individual shape, temperature of cities (as well as habitus and biography). Berking, 2008, pp. 24-28, puts Doxa in the foreground. A founding text of urban sociology speaks of “spiritual life” (Simmel, 2020). Lindner (2022, pp. 187–190) discusses the phenomenon under the term “ethos”.
- 128.
See also Lindner (2008b).
- 129.
How familiar attributions of an urban habitus can remain over centuries is illustrated by Mark Twain (quoted after Johnson, 2022, p. 13): “In Boston they ask, How much does he know? In New York, How much is he worth? In Philadelphia, Who were his parents?”
- 130.
Jens Bisky (2023) focuses on the fine print in cities and discusses commemorative plaques in Berlin, which in their “uniform form: cobalt blue writing on porcelain from the Royal Porcelain Factory […] tell that chance, transience, suddenness belong to the social business order of urban life” (p. 63–64).
- 131.
- 132.
The methodological approach is beautifully described by Berking et al., 2014 (p. 337–340) as a double condensation process. In the end, the following social figures (with corresponding characteristics and practices) are the Rockstar, the Diva, the Opportunist and the Authentic for the cities Glasgow, Frankfurt, Birmingham and Dortmund (which type represents which city should remain open here; for the solution see p. 358).
- 133.
In a more indirect relation to the research approach presented here is the very readable study on the recent history of “Münster as a brand” by Marcus Termeer (2010).
- 134.
This draws a (not entirely clear-cut) boundary line between fundamentally scientific and purely practice-oriented studies on city brands. The latter exist in almost infinite number and are essentially advertising brochures of professional brand creators (individual consultants and consulting companies). A readable example: Engl (2017). Here, only the former works with a scientific claim are of interest.
- 135.
For a brief overview of the historical development of this social technique, see also Sect. 3.5.
- 136.
Regarding the metaphor of the invisible college see Acuto (2011), who in turn adopted it from John Friedmann (1995, p. 28). Friedmann describes the “invisible college of world city researchers” there. Acuto is fascinated by the significance and power of the invisible college. He observes the transformation of the global city from an analytical concept to a powerful, almost hegemonic, development strategy for countless cities around the globe. This change is driven by a “global urban elite and its global urban imagination” (planners, architects, managers, politicians). From his study, Acuto hopes for “a more refined understanding of the (global) urban imagination that drives the development of understanding global city-speak and imagination, and […] accounting for the symbolic power of the idea that charted much of the trajectory of urban development in the twentieth and early twenty-first centuries” (Acuto, 2021, pp. 2–4). In more modest dimensions, the metaphor also applies to city branding-speak and the associated ideas about the future of cities.
- 137.
Cf. Gold and Gold (2020). There, the widespread narrative is contradicted that a linear, purposeful and ‘orderly’ development took place: “a simple and compelling narrative of chronological succession with the advent and adoption of city branding as its endpoint” (p. 5).
- 138.
The fundamental conflict between the disciplines is highlighted by Vanolo (2020, pp. 11–12).
- 139.
A significant exception are various contributions in Hall and Hubbard (1998).
- 140.
- 141.
- 142.
- 143.
This ‘proportional rule of three’ of city branding (the more globalization, the more city competition, and the more city branding) applies across all ideological boundaries. See, among others, Anttiroiko, 2014 for a Marxist-materialist reading.
- 144.
Kavaratzis, 2020 reports from a personal perspective on the corresponding discussion context at the beginning of the 2000s.
- 145.
Currently following this tradition are Clark et al., 2020: in this approach of the Brookings Institution, it is about the identity of cities: “A region’s DNA—a unique, inherited collection of assets, history, traits, and culture that project and distinguish it internally and externally, and have the potential to unite people and place” (p. 8).
- 146.
For this, see Boisen et al., 2018. It is summarized there: “place promotion is limited to increasing attention for what the places have to offer. Place marketing is predominantly concerned with fine-tuning the place to manage supply and demand, both through promotional measures and other measures aimed at improving the product-market combinations. […] We further established that place branding, is the most encompassing of the three” (p. 10, emphasis by us).
- 147.
Except for ‘hard’ representatives of marketing (Philip Kotler), there is broad agreement that cities cannot be ‘simply’ treated like products (or companies): most authors “reject arguments based on homologous applications of branding […] Instead, place branding is regarded as analogous to product branding” (Gold & Gold, 2020, p. 6, emphasis by us). What makes them ‘distinctive products’, however, remains an open point of discussion. A fundamental critique of the product analogy from the middle of the critical urban studies/geographers is provided by Vanolo, 2020.
- 148.
The “political economy of city branding” (Anttiroiko, 2014) is surprisingly rarely considered in the debate. The inherently political character of city branding is more than obvious: it requires political power, it often contradicts the logic of politics, it is very easily politically instrumentalizable, it immediately provokes political resistance (see Hospers, 2020, pp. 20–21, Vanolo, 2018 and here the Sect. 4.1 and 4.2).
- 149.
Where it does not seem to be clearly evident who is lagging behind whom or who is ignoring the complexity of city branding to a greater extent (Hospers, 2020, pp. 21–22).
- 150.
Emphasis by us. Strictly speaking, brand development is always and fundamentally a social technique of Othering. Brands differentiate and, in successful cases, form specific communities that systematically (and quite aggressively) exclude members of other communities. To put it unequivocally in spatial terms: “Strong brands have strong boundaries” (Engl, 2017, p. 197).
- 151.
One example should suffice: When Hospers (2020, p. 19) mentions that “Kavaratzis and Ashworth (2005) rightly observe that cities increasingly use branding concepts and techniques”, no empirical evidence is provided either here or there. The finding is part of the rituals in the city branding community—they provide the connecting community feelings and their truth value is not (any longer) questioned.
- 152.
There (p. 19–58) the variety of brand understandings and definitions is discussed in detail.
- 153.
Baker uses the more comprehensive term “place brand” here. An alternative current practice-oriented definition attempt (of the Brookings Institution): “A city’s intentional and organized story/proposition that differentiates it and seeks to drive demand. It often involves a common slogan or logo and marketing to signpost the identity” (Clark et al. 2020).
- 154.
The term cityscape is—similar to the term city brand—vague. It refers to “mental images of a city” (Guckes, 2005, p. 75). These are created in social contexts: “The cityscapes we see must […] be constantly questioned about their origin and their respective context of use, if one does not want to succumb to a purely iconographic view” (Noell, 2008, p. 80). The umbrella term cityscapes can include: Images, “the publicly communicated cityscapes, which exist as a desired or ideal image in self-presentation and city marketing”, external images “in the perception of outsiders” and self-images, “attributions of the inhabitants to ‘their’ city” (Schürmann & Guckes, 2005, pp. 5–6).
- 155.
An outstanding example is provided by the Eternal City: “Rome is constantly working on its own past, reshaping and regrouping its history. This is also a leitmotif of the Eternal City to this day” (Reinhardt, 2019, p. 6).
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Häusler, E., Häusler, J. (2024). The Observation: Cities are Brands. In: How Cities Become Brands. Springer, Wiesbaden. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-43776-3_2
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