The empirical evidence provided in Section 2.2 showed widespread ownership and use of modern technological equipment in Germany and Switzerland. While it might be tempting to think of the resulting media preferences and media use as a personal preference and an individual choice, data from media studies have repeatedly shown the influence of two social factors: gender and socio-economic background. The following chapter will introduce the theory of social (media) habitus and the concept of doing gender to explain how social disparity lines create a digital divide and influence media preferences and media habits.

The term digital divide is defined as a difference in access, frequency, and patterns of usage, as well as the knowledge about and the motivation for using technology (Eickelmann et al., 2014; Wendt et al., 2014). Similarly, the OECD (Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development) defines the digital divide as

“the gap between individuals, households, businesses and geographic areas at different socioeconomic levels with regard both to their opportunities to access information and communication technologies (ICTs) and to their use of the Internet for a wide variety of activities” (OECD 2001-01-01, 2001, p. 5).

The present chapter will outline how these differences most likely also result in different opportunities and frequencies for media-related extramural English contact for adolescents in Germany and Switzerland.

3.1 Socio-economic Background and Media-related Extramural English Contacts

As has been shown in Chapter 2, the internet has created new and informal opportunities for out-of-school contacts with English. Subsequently, the classroom, traveling, or exchange programs abroad are no longer the only way to get into intensive and prolonged contact with EFL. Data from national media studies also showed that most adolescents in Germany and Switzerland have the necessary technical equipment to engage in these media contacts. Nevertheless, the empirical data shows that general media use is not evenly distributed throughout society. For example, results from both the JIM and the JAMES study show that adolescents from higher socio-economic backgrounds on average read more often and spent less time surfing online or playing computer games (MPFS, 2017; Waller et al., 2016; for a detailed summary see Section 3.1.2). This chapter will draw on Bourdieu's theory of class distinction and social habitus to explain persisting differences in media use between people from different socio-economic backgrounds.

3.1.1 Socio-economic Background and Media Habitus

According to Bourdieu, every form of contact with art, music, and media products should be understood as rooted in social practice and influenced by the specific disposition of one’s social class and origin (Bourdieu, 1983, 1987). Bourdieu categorizes social classes by their possession of three forms of capital: First, economic capital, which is comprised of money or any form of resources that can be transformed into money (e.g., stocks, land, or property). Second, social capital, which can be understood as a person’s social network and can be utilized to one’s own advantage. It is thus also linked to the aggregated capital within one’s personal network. Third, cultural capital, which is comprised of resources that enable a person to participate in the cultural practices of society. Cultural capital can be further divided into three dimensions: (1) Objectified cultural capital, i.e., all forms of cultural belongings, such as books and paintings. (2) Institutionalized cultural capital, i.e., educational titles and diplomas. (3) Incorporated cultural capital, i.e., the physical embodiment of cultural habits, skills, and dispositions (Bourdieu, 1983, 1987).

Economic, social, and cultural capital are interlinked, with economic capital being the prerequisite for the production and reproduction of social and cultural capital within families. Economic capital frees families from monetary obligations and the requirements of the everyday life of the working class. As a result, families with a higher economic capital can not only accumulate institutionalized and objectified cultural capital over time, but also develop a specific set of behaviors, tastes, and aesthetics representing this freedom (Bourdieu, 1987). This set, this social habitus, is “a system of durable, transposable dispositions which functions as the generative basis of structured, objectively unified practices” (Bourdieu, 1979, p. vii).

The social habitus is internalized by children during their primary socialization, with parents and other adult family members serving as role models who have incorporated the cultural capital from their parents. In this way, social habitus is reproducing itself in each generation. A person’s social habitus is thus the result of a specific set of circumstances of life which is both the result and the prerequisite for its own reproduction (Bourdieu, 1983, 1987).

Learned in early childhood and ingrained in our very persona, the social habitus influences people’s pattern of behavior and (aesthetic) taste. As a result, children from different social origins will learn to appreciate different forms of aesthetic products, such as music, art, and movies. This influence is strongest for those forms of aesthetic taste that are not explicitly taught by the educational system. Thus, all children learn to recognize the most popular forms of art deemed legitimate and important within a given society, while the taste for aesthetic forms, behaviors, preferences, and attitudes not taught in school is the most influenced by a person’s social upbringing. This also includes the taste for art, media, and technology (Bourdieu, 1987).

The social habitus is thus structuring and structured structure: the circumstances of life and the available resources are incorporated and influence a person’s perception and disposition (structuring structure). By structuring the way people see and experience the world, the habitus also influences and restricts behavior, thus creating a specific lifestyle and taste (structured structure) (Straub, 2006).

According to this theory, groups of higher social status will prefer cultural products associated with higher cultural status − although it is in fact they who mark specific types of aesthetic taste as legitimate, to begin with, because of the power they hold within society. By contrast, social groups of lower cultural status prefer products associated with lower culture status. Consequently, the social habitus marks one as a member of a specific social group and makes taste in music, art, and other aesthetic forms a powerful status symbol and social marker for distinction. This is also the reason why people often resent or look down on specific forms of art or music associated with social groups of lower status (Bourdieu, 1987).

According to this theoretical framework, a person’s frequency of media use, preferred media content, and affinity towards technology should therefore be understood as a form of learned social behavior. In order to define this social nature of media behavior, Biermann (2009, 2013) proposed the term media habitus. This media habitus is not a separate form of habitus but rather a part of the overall class specific habitus. As such, the media habitus is also a product of socialization and represents long-lasting and unconscious dispositions passed down from parents to children. This mechanism is usually unconscious. Parents function as role models and mentors simply by exhibiting a specific pattern of media and technology habits, a preference for particular media content, and a certain level of media competency (Biermann, 2009, 2013). However, parents might also shape their children’s media behavior through direct rules and parenting guidelines, as well as their level of involvement in their children’s media consumption habits (Graham, n.d.).

It should be mentioned that Bourdieu himself emphasized that this effect of socio-economic background should not be understood as a deterministic relationship for two reasons: First, the relationship between socio-economic background and the production and reproduction of the social habitus is a statistical one, not a deterministic one, i.e., people can be outliers. Therefore, socio-economic background most likely influences media habitus, but the effect is not absolute (Bourdieu, 1987).

Second, the structure of the individual dispositions of a given person is not determined by one single factor, not even one as important as the social class. Instead, specific individual dispositions result from many factors, such as social class, age, gender, place of residence, which each influence the specific circumstances of life. Thus, even within a given social class, smaller class fractions will have their own specific structures. This is also true for predicting the trajectory and development a person will go through in life (Bourdieu, 1987). However, even a system of factors would not be differentiated enough for a thorough analysis, for although all these factors have explanatory power in all fields, the weight of the factors varies from field to field (Bourdieu, 1987). Thus, the relationship between socio-economic backgrounds will be complex. In order to understand this complex structure for each field, much more complex analyses would be necessary, as are employed by most studies. Therefore, empirical results might find substantial variation in the (media) habitus of people within a given social class (Bourdieu, 1987).

In addition, children and adolescents often develop interests independent of their parents, undergo self-socialization processes, search for information and answers, or play with interests and identities (Henrichwark, 2009; Kommer, 2008; Senkbeil & Wittwer, 2009; Straub, 2006). Peer networks will also play a crucial role in this process (Straub, 2006). Here adolescents talk about their interests, share stories and opinions, and talk about the media content that is important to them. Peer networks, therefore, often share similar interests in specific media topics and genres. These groups are also often where children and adolescents come into first contact with computers and the internet (Straub, 2006). While most friendships transcend the shared interest in media topics and genres, some communities might be specifically linked to a shared interest, e.g., fan clubs (Straub, 2006). Unfortunately, the influence of peer networks and self-socialization processes could not be investigated in the present study.

Nevertheless, despite their influence, these facts do not necessarily undermine the importance and influence of the socio-economic background. As Kommer (2008) points out, it can be assumed that the effect and development of self-socialization processes and peer networks strongly depend on the specific history of the individual child. Reactions are most likely dependent on the individual conditions under which childhood socialization took place and will probably be similar among children from similar contexts. Simply put, for the individual reading habits to develop, it does matter whether a child grew up in a family where reading is a frequent pastime or in which the television is the only source of entertainment (Kommer, 2008, p. 22).

Overall, Bourdieu's concept of the social habitus − and by extension of the media habitus − certainly retains its relevance. The habitus concept still allows for a systematic and theory-based analysis of inequalities and milieu-specific differences in the socialization process (Kommer, 2008). Their importance has also been continuously confirmed in empirical studies. The following section will summarize critical findings for this continued importance for adolescents’ media use in Germany and Switzerland. In addition, findings from national and international studies concerning the relationship between media-related extramural English contact and socio-economic background will be discussed.

3.1.2 Empirical Evidence

Bourdieu himself underlined his theoretical framework with extensive empirical evidence from his research in France (Bourdieu, 1987, p. 22). However, in recent years, scientists have critiqued Bourdieu’s one-to-one mapping of social status and cultural consumption as being too narrow and proposed a more complex system of relationships between socio-economic status and aesthetic taste. For example, Alderson et al. (2007) were able to show empirical evidence for members of higher social status groups to be more like omnivores, enjoying a wider diversity of cultural products and engaging in a number of different activities. By contrast, paucivores prefer a more neutral taste. These groups tend to favor the most popular cultural products and do not show a taste for anything radical or liberal. Last, inactives were shown to have no particular interest in any evaluated cultural products, not even the most popular (Alderson et al., 2007).

Katz-Gerro (1999) also found widespread acceptance for some cultural products and activities among members of all social classes. The study also found certain social classes being open to a broad range of tastes, showing a decreased importance of social habitus for specific media and entertainment behavior.

Similarly, Thomas (2012) argued that while in former years media consumption was strongly linked to social class, with middle-class parents restricting their children’s use of games in favor of more educational activities, recent research suggests that this is changing. Pop culture is no longer seen as an antithesis to serious learning (Thomas, 2012).

However, despite these changes, the results still showed the continued influence of the social habitus for people’s choice of leisure time activities and cultural consumption. Kommer (2013) also underlines the importance of the media habitus for understanding people’s media habits and preferences. According to him, the idea of decreasing social disparities in media behavior is little supported by empirical data and overemphasizes the idea of free choice while ignoring the social embeddedness of media activities.

For Germany and Switzerland, various empirical studies have also underlined the continued importance of socio-economic background factors for media and technology habitus over the last decades. However, the results have also supported the notion that patterns of media habitus might have shifted.

At the beginning of the new millennium, Korupp and Szydlik (2005) showed a significant effect of the educational and economic family background, as well as household composition on ownership of computers and internet use at home in Germany between the years of 1997 and 2003. Households with a higher educational level and a higher income level were associated with a higher probability of owning a computer and going online. Using a computer at work also increased the probability of using the computer at home, as did living with adolescent children in the house.

Results from the JIM study from 2017 showed German adolescents from lower educational backgrounds to be still more likely to have access to personal televisions and stationary gaming consoles. By contrast, children from higher educational backgrounds were more likely to possess their own laptop, radio, MP3-Player and E-Book reader (MPFS, 2017).

Results for Switzerland were similar. In 2016, the JAMES study reported adolescents from lower socio-economic backgrounds to be still less likely to own much technical equipment (Waller et al., 2016). However, the data also revealed that ownership of smartphones and computers, as well as internet access among adolescents, was almost at a 100% level in both countries, with only small differences remaining (MPFS, 2017; Waller et al., 2016).

In terms of actual media habits, the JIM study in 2017 showed a continued difference between social groups. According to the results, children from higher socio-economic backgrounds on average own more books and read significantly more often in their free time. They also listen to the radio significantly more. In contrast, children from lower educational backgrounds display far more restraint when it comes to reading for pleasure. They also tend to spend more time with computer games, as well as surfing and communicating with others online, or watching videos on platforms such as YouTube. When surfing online, they are also more interested in topics such as vocational training, gaming, and nutrition. Children from higher educational backgrounds spent significantly less time surfing. When they do, they tend to use the internet in a more versatile way, as they more often search for information or explore topics such as politics, world affairs, and personal problems (MPFS, 2017).

Despite these identified differences, the study also found entertainment-centered media to be important for all adolescents, independent of their educational background (MPFS, 2017). This is in line with findings from Katz-Gerro (1999) and Thomas (2012), as it supports the idea that some forms of media content have become widespread among members of all social classes. It also supports the idea that adolescents from higher educational backgrounds are more likely to be omnivores, who enjoy a wide array of media content. However, the data from the JIM study underscores the notion of children from lower socio-economic backgrounds being more limited in their media habits.

For Switzerland, the JAMES study found adolescents from lower socio-economic backgrounds to chat less frequently online, post on message boards, or write mails. In addition, adolescents from lower socio-economic backgrounds were also shown to be less likely to download movies and watch them on a smartphone. Similar to Germany, adolescents from higher educational backgrounds tended to own more books and read more frequently than adolescents from lower educational backgrounds (Waller et al., 2016). Surprisingly, however, the study did not find a significant difference in the frequency in which adolescents surfed online or played computer games. Adolescents from different backgrounds also did not differ in the content they engage with and post on these platforms (Waller et al., 2016).

Henrichwark (2009) also yields interesting insight into the media habitus in Germany, although her sample of 3rd grade primary school students was slightly younger than the targeted sample for the present study, and her investigation was focused on educational media use and media literacy, not leisure time activities. Her results are however interesting, as she was able to show that young children already differ in the way they categorize digital media content. While young children from higher educational backgrounds are aware of the educational purpose of various media categories, children from lower educational backgrounds tend to see media as pure entertainment and do not see the potential educational benefits.

In addition, in families with lower educational backgrounds, computers, gaming consoles, DVD-players, and other electronics are mostly bought for their function as status symbols and used for their entertainment purpose. Listening to music, downloading content, chatting, and violent action-based games are the main focus of media activities in these families. Educational functions for this equipment are mostly not seen. Families from lower socio-economic backgrounds were also shown to invest less in books and other cultural objects, as they have no daily relevance for them (Henrichwark, 2009).

Her results also emphasize the role of parents in the reproduction of the class-specific media habitus in the next generation. Her results show that parents from lower educational backgrounds are less proficient in using the internet and computers themselves (Henrichwark, 2009). They often rely on the help of their children for their own online communication. They also tend to regulate their children’s internet and media use with strict rules to protect them from harm. These rules are not always effective, as the children find creative workarounds. By contrast, parents from higher educational backgrounds prefer a more participative parenting style concerning their children’s digital media use (Henrichwark, 2009).

This is in line with findings from Graham (n.d.), who showed middle-class parents in the United States to be more involved in their children’s media activities and leisure time activities while still allowing their children to have some autonomy. On the other hand, working-class parents tend to set clear boundaries for their children (e.g., restrictions on gaming time), which they expect to be obeyed, yet do not take as much interest in the details of their children’s activities. As a result, children from working-class backgrounds tend to play a larger variety of computer games, while middle-class children are often more restricted in their choice of games but have more room for negotiation. These results underline the notion that parents from higher educational backgrounds not only participate in their children’s media behavior and serve as role models rather than setting strict rules; but they are also more proficient with digital media themselves, thus serving as guides for their children.

Stecher (2005) could also show that children and adolescents from different backgrounds differ in the degree to which they saw different media content as potential sources for informal learning opportunities. Students from higher educational backgrounds tend to attest less learning potential to watching movies, TV series, TV shows, and surfing and chatting online (in comparison to watching the news, reading books or newspapers).

Data from the PISA study in 2006 also showed that students from households with higher educational backgrounds and a higher degree of internal communication tend to use digital media sources in a more educational way. They are also better equipped to filter information from the media and use it efficiently for their own purposes (Senkbeil & Wittwer, 2009). Similar to Henrichwark, the results also showed that families with a lower educational background emphasize the entertainment aspect of media and avoid reading or using the computer for educational purposes (Senkbeil & Wittwer, 2009).

The study also found a group of students who almost never engages in media behavior. They were characterized by low levels of investment in technical and cultural resources and little communication within the family (Senkbeil & Wittwer, 2009).

On the other hand, the PISA results underline the fact that while media behavior is influenced by socio-economic background, the effect is not absolute. In fact, the effect sizes for family background were small in comparison, and the results showed that media behavior is also strongly influenced by the independent development of interests by the students and the influence of the peer group (see above). Thus, while media is still rooted in the media habitus, other factors also shape the development of the individual media behavior (Senkbeil & Wittwer, 2009).

To the best of this author's knowledge, the JIM study 2017 is the only empirical study investigating a possible effect of socio-economic background on media-related extramural English contacts in Germany. The study reported that older adolescents from higher education backgrounds tend to have a higher frequency of watching English movies and TV series online (MPFS, 2017). Further empirical evidence is lacking for both countries.

International empirical evidence is also scarce. Olsson and Sylvén (2015) did not find a significant correlation between students’ educational background and their frequency of extramural contacts, but they do not elaborate on this finding further. Similarly, Sundqvist (2009a) did not find a significant effect for students’ educational background or cultural capital (measured in books at home) on extramural contact overall. However, she found children from higher educational backgrounds to indicate a significantly higher rate of extramural contact via reading English newspapers and magazines. Cultural capital again did not show any significant effects. The author concluded that social background seems to play a marginal role for media-related extramural contacts in Sweden. She explained these findings with the fact that the standard of living and technical equipment, in addition to the traditionally high level of authentic media content available in Sweden, probably make media-related extramural English contacts evenly distributed throughout almost all social groups, rather than for them to be a marker of social disparities (Sundqvist, 2009a).

Apart from these findings, there is little international empirical evidence on the influence of socio-economic background on media-related extramural English contacts. Nevertheless, it can be assumed that these media habits follow similar patterns as media use in general.

Further evidence for the possible patterns of media-related extramural English contacts can be drawn from Rolff et al. (2008). In their study, the authors showed that socio-economic background also affects the language practices within a family and, as a result, students’ attitudes toward the English language and motivation to engage in English contacts outside of school. In the study, the use of English within the family, as well as parents’ English competences and language use at work, had a significant positive influence on students’ English competences. Similarly, parents’ perceived importance of English for their children’s future and their interest in their children’s English lessons also showed a significant effect on students’ language competences. The results also showed that when introducing these so-called process factors into the statistical model, the effect of the two structural factors for educational, monetary, and cultural resources became non-significant. This finding pointed towards a mediating model in which the institutionalized and objectified cultural capital and the monetary resources do not have a direct effect on learners’ language competences. Instead, these structural factors influence the nature and form of a family’s incorporated cultural habitus—in the form of language attitudes and language competences—which in turn has a direct effect on children’s language development. The results thus support the importance of parental behavior and attitudes for children’s language development (Rolff et al., 2008).

Lindgren and Muñoz (2013) support these findings. In their study, the authors showed evidence for the importance of parents’ language competences and attitudes towards a foreign language on children’s language competences. As the authors conclude, if parents speak English well and use it frequently at work, English becomes a natural part of a child’s everyday life from an early age. Parents might also be more inclined to get involved in their children’s English education and try to introduce forms of out-of-school contact to their children. As a result, children will develop a positive attitude towards EFL and a higher motivation to learn the language (Lindgren & Muñoz, 2013; Rolff et al., 2008).

3.1.3 Conclusion

The empirical results discussed in this chapter point towards the continuing importance of the socio-economic background for media behavior and media preference, as parents will, unconsciously, pass down their media habitus to their children. However, the literature review has also displayed some tendencies towards equalization in technology ownership in both countries. Most adolescents have access to the internet, smartphones, and computers. Nevertheless, students from higher socio-economic backgrounds are more likely to have their own technical equipment, except for gaming consoles.

Empirical results have also shown that the widespread ownership of technology does not translate into uniformity of user habits and preferences. Some media channels and activities, such as surfing, have become widely popular among members of all social classes. However, students from higher socio-economic backgrounds use the internet for educational as well as entertainment purposes, while students from lower socio-economic backgrounds tend to focus on the latter only. In addition, students from higher socio-economic backgrounds are still more likely to engage in reading activities during their leisure time.

In addition, empirical evidence suggests that a conducive home environment and parental influence will most likely also influence media-related extramural English contacts. This conducive home environment is more likely found in families with higher socio-economic status: Parents with a higher educational background are more likely to have higher English competences themselves and engage in English media activities at home or work. They are also more likely to value English as an important investment in a child’s future. These parents will function as positive role models for their children in terms of attitudes and appreciation of the English language in general and extramural English contact and media behavior in particular.

Together, the empirical results presented in this chapter suggest that the nature of disparities has shifted from ownership to modes of usage in recent decades. The question, therefore, should not be who owns what? but rather who does what and why? This development most likely resulted in new forms of digital inequalities, sometimes referred to as a second-level digital divide (Graham, 2009; Henrichwark, 2009). Hence, investigating media behavior while ignoring the social structures in which the behavior is embedded would fail to capture the unique social conditions under which such patterns emerge. The fact that some media channels seem to have become widespread in society does not mean that adolescents are entirely free of the influence of their social upbringing. Instead, like all forms of aesthetic taste, media behavior will stay rooted in the specific factors of each person’s social upbringing. These preferences are subject to intergenerational reproduction. By being role models to their children, parents actively and passively shape their children’s media taste and behavior. The process tends to be mostly unconscious and informal.

Drawing on these findings, it can be expected that these socio-economic factors will also influence students’ frequency of media-related extramural English contacts in the present study. A higher level of educational and cultural resources and a positive English environment at home can be expected to positively affect students’ attitudes towards English and increase their likelihood to engage in extramural English contacts. Thereby, the second research hypothesis is:

H2.1::

Students from higher socio-economic backgrounds will show a higher overall frequency of media-related extramural English contact.

In addition, it can be assumed that media preferences will run along known lines of social disparities. Differences in economic, educational, and cultural capital result in different media habitus for adolescents from different socio-economic backgrounds. Adolescents from different socio-economic backgrounds should thus differ in their preference for specific media channels and media content (content divide): students from higher socio-economic backgrounds can be expected to engage more frequently in literacy-based extramural media behavior and information search. Students from lower socio-economic backgrounds can be expected to spend considerably more time playing English-language computer games. However, given the high popularity of listening to music, surfing, and watching online videos, movies, and TV series, it can be expected that these activities are most likely popular among adolescents from all social backgrounds.

H2.2::

Students' socio-economic background will influence their preference for media channels and media content.

As Rolff et al. (2008) could show, the effect of the socio-economic background on language competences is often not directly influenced by structural factors of educational and cultural capital. Instead, these structural factors influence the language habitus, which can be operationalized by process factors, such as parents’ English competence and language use within the family. In Rolff et al. (2008), the introduction of these process factors in the regression model rendered the effect of the structural factors non-significant, thus suggesting a mediation effect.

A similar indirect effect for the structural factors can be expected for the present analysis. In addition, it can be expected that the process factors not only influence the language habit within a family, but also the media habitus for English-speaking media content.

H2.3::

The effect of structural socio-economic background factors for cultural and educational capital will partly be mediated by the process factors for language and media habits within the family.

3.2 Gender and Media-related Extramural English Contacts

In addition to socio-economic background, studies have also continuously shown the persistence of gender differences in media use. While former disparities in ownership of technical equipment seem to have diminished, male and female media users on average can still be shown to engage in different media content and prefer different media channels (see Section 3.2.2 for an overview of relevant studies).

While some studies seem to merely report on the existence of these differences, but do not discuss the mechanisms that might lead to them, investigating gender as an important factor both in media production and media reception has a long tradition in the field of media and communication science. This interest in gender within the media landscape began with the emergence of women's studies and has developed considerably over the years (Drüeke, 2016; Hipfl, 2008; Klaus, 2002; Röser & Wischermann, 2004). Unfortunately, an exhaustive discussion of the history and development of gender related media and communication theories is beyond the scope of this thesis (for an overview of the historical development of the field see, for example, Klaus (2002), Hipfl (2008), or Drüeke (2016)). However, the following chapter will try to establish a theoretical framework that can help to understand how gender as a social category can influence (young) people's media habits and preferences.

3.2.1 Gender Socialization and Media Habitus

Inspired by feministic studies in the 1960s and 1970s, early gender related media studies focused on issues such as the stereotypical portrayal of women in the media, the underrepresentation of women in the media industry and the sometimes dismissive reception of so-called women's genres (e.g., soap operas) (Klaus, 2002, 2006; Röser & Wischermann, 2004). Later, the focus also shifted to differences in media preferences between men and women. In these approaches, consumers were primarily seen as passive recipients who were affected and influenced by the media content. As a result, these approaches often failed to explain why women voluntarily consumed certain genres, especially since they portrayed traditional gender roles, which were increasingly out of step with the modern realities of many women's lives (Klaus, 2002, 2006; Röser & Wischermann, 2004).

In recent years, and with the increasing influence of gender studies in the field of media and communication science, the focus has shifted towards a deconstructivistic understanding of gender, which lead to a changed understanding of the relationship between gender and media. In this approach, gender is no longer understood as a fixed biological category, but rather as a social, cultural, and discursive construct, which is embedded in a specific historical, cultural, and political context and part of a specific hierarchy and power structure (Drüeke, 2016; Klaus, 2002; Röser & Wischermann, 2004). According to this theory, there is no inherent or natural masculine or feminine behavior or attitude; there are only cultural and social constructs of what society understands as the masculine or the feminine, and what behaviors, attitudes, and preferences are associated with each (Schneider, 2002). People refer to these constructions in their actions and make them their own. Three dimensions can be distinguished in relation to gender. Gender definitions refer to what is considered feminine and masculine in a given society. Gender positions assign different roles, tasks, activities, and opportunities to gender groups in an existing power structure. Finally, gender identifications refer to how individuals relate to these definitions and positions, and which of them they reject and adopt. In this process, the construction of gender emerges in a dynamic coexistence in which all three dimensions relate to each other but do not determine each other (Klaus, 2002).

In their groundbreaking and often cited essay, West and Zimmerman (1987) define the ongoing and situated social practice of continuously producing and reproducing one’s gender identity as doing gender. Gender is consequently not a category that exists a priori and outside of people. It emerges only in social interaction. To be perceived as a man or a woman, one has to actively “do” gender. Children learn to actively embody and do the gender category that they were assigned to at birth and the rules and behaviors that go along with it through socialization.

This doing gender is more than just following a specific set of rules, it is adapting and shaping one's behavior according to the situation and the interaction partner, with the goal to be considered as belonging to the gender that we want to portray. As a result, people do gender in every form of action and social interaction. In doing so they reproduce their gender specific habitus (West & Zimmerman, 1987).

According to West and Zimmerman (1987) this doing of gender is so central in every form of human interaction that there is no situation in which the category of gender does not play a role. West and Zimmerman’s focus is thus on the omnirelevance of gender as a social category and on inequalities arising from this hierarchical structure in which gender is embedded. Studies following their theories usually try to find situations where gender might not be as relevant or even irrelevant, which might be a source for change and resistance (Nentwich & Kelan, 2014).

Bourdieu also refers to gender as a discursive and social construction, although he conceptualizes the production and reproduction of gender as more static than is usually found within the field of modern gender studies (Straub, 2006). According to Bourdieu, gender, like other social categories − such as religion, nationality, and social class − determines the specific living and socialization conditions that form a person’s social habitus. As such, gender norms also contribute to the specific circumstances of life that are both the result and the prerequisite for their reproduction and therefore forms and influences people's every pattern of behavior and taste (Bourdieu, 1987, see also Section 3.1).

Gender − and the relation between class and gender − is only briefly mentioned in Bourdieu’s well known work Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste. However, the author elaborates further on his ideas regarding gender in his work Masculine Domination (Bourdieu, 2005). Here he argues that biological reproduction is not enough to justify the gendered division of labor and male supremacy in society. Instead, society constructs the natural body as a gendered fact and locates it within the existing system of homologous opposites and within an existing system of power. By linking it to an already existing classification system, the gender categorization is validated and acquires an official character (Bourdieu, 2005). This attribution is supported by emphasizing (visible) anatomical/biological differences and the dismissal of similarities. The seeming correspondence of physiological and psychological characteristics creates a biologization of the gender category, which fails to recognize that the attribution itself is already an arbitrary and social construction that occurs through the naturalization of these very social constructs. Thus, gender differences themselves must already be understood as a socially constructed perceptual scheme (Bourdieu, 2005).

According to the author, these existing gender structures inscribe themselves into every category of perception, behavior, and evaluation through socialization, starting in childhood. As a result, forms of doing gender are deeply inscribed in all areas of individual behavior and permeate all fields of everyday life. Like the class habitus, the gender habitus thus inscribes itself deeply into the body, structuring what people think, do, and experienceFootnote 1 (Bourdieu, 2005). As a result, members of the gendered categories perceive the world in accordance with the very identities they are ascribed to. People therefore unconsciously produce and reproduce their gendered habitus with, for example, their behavior, their clothing, their choices. By doing so, they in turn confirm the (arbitrary) social categorization that was put on them and distinguish themselves from the opposite gender. Similar to the class habitus, this cycle creates a circular causality and makes the gender habitus appear natural. Because the transmission and reproduction occur unconsciously, the mechanisms also escapes conscious control. Changes, therefore, mostly follow old structures and principles of division (Bourdieu, 2005).

In summary, both West & Zimmermann, as well as Bourdieu understand gender not as a fixed category but as a social category constructed in and through human behavior. People perceive the world according to their gender identity and reproduce their gender identity in every form of action and social interaction. By doing so, they seemingly confirm existing gender stereotypes (Bourdieu, 2005; West & Zimmerman, 1987).

Given the omnipresence of gender as a social category, the media itself is also embedded in the prevailing gender system and its associated power structures. Therefore, the connection between gender and media cannot merely be characterized by passive consumption (Klaus, 2002; Peil et al., 2020). To understand how people use and refer to the media, we have to understand how media content participates in reproducing the existing gender system by reproducing gender definitions and gender positions (Dorer, 2002; Drüeke, 2016; Klaus, 2002; Röser & Wischermann, 2004). In addition, we have to understand how some media channels and technologies have been specifically linked to one gender category or the other. Only then can we begin to understand how people use these media content and media channels to produce and reproduction their gender identity.

A complete analysis of the German media landscape would be beyond the scope of this study. Instead, the following will highlight some key findings concerning overall gender representation in the media and how even newer media technology has been gendered, often excluding women as key owners of such technology.

Following this overview, Section 3.2.2 will then summarize important empirical findings concerning actual media use by male and female German-speaking adolescents in general, and media-related English contact in particular, and discuss how these findings can be understood as forms of doing gender.

In terms of gender representation, studies have shown that in today’s media, women are most often still shown in traditional life contexts and are underrepresented as experts in science and technology. While this underrepresentation corresponds in part with the underrepresentation of women in certain professions, the portrayal simultaneously reproduces stereotypes and the existing system of power (Götz & Prommer, 2020; Peil et al., 2020).

For Germany, a 2017 study could also show that female protagonists are underrepresented on television in general: for every woman, the study found two male protagonists, four in television programs and movies for children. Interestingly, the difference is most extreme in older age groups. While there is an equal ratio among male and female protagonists under 30, the study found two men for every woman between 30 and 50, and three men for every woman older than 50. Furthermore, women are primarily shown in connection with relationships and family and are less likely to occur as an expert, host, or journalist (Prommer & Linke, 2017). Götz and Eckhardt Rodriguez (2019) also showed how national and international music videos still reproduce stereotypical gender roles and power structures and often contribute to the hypersexualization of the female body (Götz & Eckhardt Rodriguez, 2019)

Newer media forms did not overcome these stereotypical gender representations (Götz & Prommer, 2020; Prommer et al., 2019). Computer games, for example, still show a lack of (positive) female character representation and a high amount of violent content. This, in turn, is likely to alienate girls and women from engaging in gaming activities, as it does not provide them with positive representation. The same might be true for technological gadgets, which are often aggressively marketed towards male consumers (Döring, 2020).

In the beginning, feminists hoped the internet would open new spaces for gender identifications outside the mainstream and provide a network where women could connect and create (safe) spaces for themselves (Kannengießer, 2015). However, studies show a mixed picture. On one side, the virtual space does offer opportunities for anonymous experimentation with gender identities and provides a stage for non-heteronormative expressions (Kannengießer, 2015; Kommer, 2008; Peil et al., 2020; Vogelgesang, 2014). Public criticism has also repeatedly led to initiatives and movements and offered marginalized groups a platform (Peil et al., 2020).

However, studies also showed that the high hopes for a free virtual space were not fulfilled. Instead, the online mainstream tends to reinforce and reproduce existing gender norms (Kannengießer, 2015), and produced clearly marked male “corners” of the internet, to which women have no or difficult access. In these spaces, women are often excluded or received in a derogatory manner (Kommer, 2008; Tillmann, 2014). As a result, women and girls often retreat into virtual spaces where they are more likely to be among themselves and their learned behavioral patterns and communication styles are met and validated (Tillmann, 2014). These are, for example, fan communities, fan fiction sites, or social media networks.

The hope that the internet would help to avoid gender typification through the possibility of disembodied and anonymous communication was also not fulfilled. Instead, studies showed how users incorporated implicit gender signs into their online communication and virtual self-presentation, thus even gendering the anonymous communication (Straub, 2006; Tillmann, 2014).

These trends are also true for the new celebrities of the emerging online space. Influencers or content creators produce and upload videos, pictures, and text to the internet, especially on social media. As such, they contribute to shaping the digital space alongside traditional media companies. While the internet theoretically offers freedom for self-representation, studies have shown that content uploaded by popular influencers also seems to remain entrenched in heteronormative binary gender norms. For example, not only are the most popular national and international YouTubers male, Youtubers also tend to reproduce traditional gender stereotypes in their videos. While male YouTubers can be shown to produce content for a wide variety of topics, female video producers are much more limited. Female creators are more likely to focus on content about everyday life, beauty, and fashion topics, usually appear within the private sphere of their home, and rarely highlight their professional competences. In addition, their content is often emotionally driven and highlights their relationships with their partners and friends. By contrast, male YouTubers are especially dominant within the gaming community, often highlight their professional competences and produce their videos in the public sphere (e.g., a fitness studio) (Döring, 2019; MaLisa Stiftung, 2019; Prommer et al., 2019).

This choice is not always voluntary. Female YouTubers from Germany stated that their choice for beauty topics is often driven by monetary reasons, as this genre is highly marketable to their audiences and companies pay high sums for product placement. In addition, they also stated that they feel safer within the beauty community, as they experience fewer online attacks and abuse there (Götz & Prommer, 2020; MaLisa Stiftung, 2019; Prommer et al., 2019). Similar depictions of traditional gender representation were also found for other social media platforms, such as Instagram or TikTok. International studies have also shown similar results (Götz & Eckhardt Rodriguez, 2019; Götz & Prommer, 2020; Prommer et al., 2019; Stüwe et al., 2020).

These findings highlight the fact that even user-created online content often stays within the known boundaries of heteronormative gender representations. That does not mean that gender representation outside the heteronormative binary system does not exist, but it seems rare among the most popular influencers and content creators (Döring, 2019; Prommer et al., 2019). This is most likely also a result of the increasingly powerful algorithms on platforms like YouTube. These algorithms promote certain media content and learn from existing data, thus reproducing existing gender norms, as they promote videos showing gender-stereotypical content. This highlights the importance of critical reflection on production and distribution strategies behind media content (Bishop, 2018; Götz & Prommer, 2020; Peil et al., 2020).

In addition to reproducing gender-stereotypical content, certain media content is often explicitly defined as male or female in an existing system. This can be seen, for example, in the attribution of soap operas and magazines to the female sphere (Klaus, 2002; Schneider, 2002), or for reading (fictional) books as a primarily female leisure time activity (Philipp, 2011; Philipp & Garbe, 2007).

Again, newer media forms did not remain outside the heteronormative binary gender system. As already discussed, male YouTubers dominate certain video topics, such as gaming and computers. The same is true for certain distribution channels. In fact, the computer, and the internet, as both media technology and media content, have been read primarily as a male domain. Reasons for this can be found in the traditional categorization of everything technical to the sphere of masculinity and the historical development of the internet within the military and scientific context, both traditionally male domains. When the internet eventually evolved beyond these professions, it was initially used primarily in professional contexts and mainly by people in higher positions. Thus, the development of the internet and the spread of the computer collided with the existing gender-coded labor market segregation. When the use of the computer and the internet finally penetrated the sphere of domestic private life, it was again first adapted by men, as it was highly compatible with the image of the technophile male (Dorer, 2002; Peil et al., 2020).

Nevertheless, this categorization is not fixed and can shift. In fact, with the increasing integration of new technologies into everyday life and the domestic sphere, the categorization of online media technologies and media content also changed. These days, women also frequently use computers and smartphones, surf online, and consume various forms of online media content. The more media technologies became instruments for activities with female connotations, the less they were framed in the technological realm. This development shows that boundaries and categorization are subject to constant change and reorientation (Peil et al., 2020). However, they rarely leave the heteronormative binary gender system entirely. An example of this is the smartphone: due to its diverse everyday applications, it is not usually perceived as completely technical and thus masculine. This, however, does not lead to a complete erosion of the boundaries within the field, but rather a shift. The technical activities of setting up and repairing, for example, are still primarily attributed to men (Peil et al., 2020). This development supports Bourdieu's thesis that the direction of change is not free. Instead, existing gendered structures determine the direction and form of change in the field of technology and media (Bourdieu, 2005).

In summary, studies have shown that gender definitions and gender positions are continuously produced and reproduced by and through media (Dorer, 2002; Klaus, 2002; Peil et al., 2020). However, as mentioned above, the focus of this study is not the analysis of gender definitions, gender positions and gender representation within the media, but rather how and why German-speaking male and female students might differ in their media preferences and behavior patterns for English-speaking media content. The focus is, therefore, on media reception. According to modern media and communication theories and in line with a deconstructivistic understanding of gender as a social construct, as described above, the media does not simply impose definitions of masculinity or femininity on viewers. Instead, the media enables a performative construction in which people can produce and reproduce themselves as men and women through their media actions and technology use (Drüeke, 2016; Klaus, 2002; Röser & Wischermann, 2004). Hence, taste in media can be understood as one of many ways of doing gender. As a result, media consumption should be seen as an act of taking on or rejecting specific gender identities, as doing gender. Members of different gender groups claim different media categories and different content as their field of expertise and leisure-time activity and, by doing so, reproduce their membership in said gender group. The media is thus not only a gendered field but also a gendering field (Straub, 2006).

This also demonstrates the dynamic interplay of the three dimensions of gender positions, gender definitions, and gender identities mentioned above. Media preferences do not simply reflect the biological nature of men and women. In fact, categorizing media content into “male” and “female” media genres and media behavior means reinforcing the idea of biological differences between the two genders. This emphasis thus maintains and reproduces the heteronormative binary gender system, while obscuring the true processes of doing gender (Hipfl, 2008; Klaus, 2002; Röser & Wischermann, 2004). Rather, people use media content to position themselves as men and women and to conform to a gender definition. The individual behavior of men and women according to these stereotypes then feeds back into the interpretation and perpetuation of gender categorizations in a given society. This in turn influences the portrayal of gender categories in the media. This creates the circular causality mentioned by Bourdieu (Bourdieu, 2005).

Similar to the influence of socio-economic background, the effect is, of course, not strictly deterministic. Indeed, the emphasis on differences between the gender categories in the research literature neglects the fact that variance within each gender group is often substantial (Straub, 2006). This is due to the fact that for each individual, any given media content encounters a particular set of circumstances of life, resulting in very different patterns of media reception and preferences. However, certain commonalities can be found for the two social gender categories, making certain patterns more likely as a strategy of doing gender (Dorer, 2002; Kommer, 2008). The analysis of the production of media content, as well as the reception, and the use of technologies necessary for the reception, should thus always be contextualized to include existing social power and gender relations (Dorer, 2002; Klaus, 2002).

It should be mentioned, that this complex nature of doing gender through media reception poses a multiple challenges for empirical studies. Nentwich and Kelan (2014) point out that in order to really capture the interactive and discursive nature of gender identities, they should be observed and analyzed in their performative production. In such an analysis, the produced gender identity is the result, not the starting point of the analysis. At the same time, research must consider the fact that there is not the one male or female identity, but that there are nuances and varieties even within the two groups (Nentwich & Kelan, 2014).

In addition, the categorization of media technologies and media content do often not correspond with their actual use (Peil et al., 2020). For example, men's reproduction of themselves as computer specialists do not necessarily correspond with their actual level of expertise (Straub, 2006). Therefore, it is important to distinguish between the actual use of media technologies and media content and the social gender construction people attach to certain media categories (Peil et al., 2020).

Unfortunately, empirical studies often employ dichotomous predefined variables to categorize people’s gender identity. These categories are then used to draw conclusions about typically female and male media habits. As mentioned above, these studies therefore contribute to maintaining the image of natural differences between genders (Schneider, 2002; Straub, 2006) and fail to capture the interactive and discursive nature of gender identities. This might be especially a problem with quantitative research, which must inevitably reduce social complexity and has difficulty capturing deeper and more detailed behavior and subjective structures of meaning. However, qualitative research might also take a simplistic approach if the investigation only investigates superficial patterns of use and thereby disregards the attributions of meaning and unconscious patterns of reproduction in relation to gender.

The following section will summarize empirical evidence concerning media use in Germany and Switzerland among male and female adolescents, as well as draw on results from international studies to investigate possible differences in media-related extramural English contacts. Unfortunately, most of these studies have been restricted to the aforementioned limited approach and thus fail to investigate the complex nature of the relationship between gender and media habits in more detail. These shortcomings make it all the more important to keep in mind that found differences in most empirical studies in terms of media use should be seen as superficial appearances of a deeper mechanism of gender identification: By claiming certain media content and language practices for themselves, people reproduce their gender identity in a given cultural and social system.

3.2.2 Empirical Evidence

In terms of traditional media, studies have continued to show gender-stereotypical media habits by young people. According to the JIM and JAMES study, female adolescents in Germany and Switzerland tend to be more frequent readers than male adolescents. They also engaged in reading activities for a longer period of time. By contrast, male adolescents tended to be more likely not to engage in reading at all (MPFS, 2017; Waller et al., 2016). These findings underline the definition of reading as a female pastime activity and are supported by findings from other studies, including the PISA study, in which girls were shown to be more active and enduring readers in their leisure time, especially in regard to fictional books. Findings for newer forms of written content are still scarce, yet some studies could show evidence for a higher preference for comics among male adolescents and children, as well as for some forms of online articles (Philipp, 2011; Philipp & Garbe, 2007).

The JIM and JAMES studies show that watching television and listening to music is a popular activity for both male and female adolescents in Germany and Switzerland (MPFS, 2017; Waller et al., 2016).

In the field of digital media, the categorization of computer and the internet as a male domain was initially reflected primarily in technology ownership and frequency of use. Men used digital media technology far more frequently and intensively than female users. However, these differences became less significant over the last few years (Dorer, 2002; Peil et al., 2020; Tillmann, 2014). This is also evident regarding adolescent technology use in Germany and Switzerland: Data from the JIM study reveals that former disparities in ownership seem to have decreased in Germany, with most technology equipment being equally distributed between genders. In 2017, almost all male and female adolescents owned a smartphone, had access to a television, gaming consoles, DVD-Player, and music devices. In addition, streaming service subscriptions were popular with both male and female adolescents. However, male students were still more likely to own a personal computer, a smart TV, or a stationary gaming console, while females were more likely to own a laptop, an e-book reader, or an mp3-player (MPFS, 2017). The results for Switzerland were similar, with male adolescents on average owning more gaming equipment than female adolescents (Waller et al., 2016).

The ICIL study also found that male students in Germany used the computer significantly more often than female students. There was no significant difference for Switzerland (Lorenz et al., 2014, p. 243). In addition, the study also showed male children to start using the computer earlier than female children in both countries and report higher rates of enjoyment (Fraillon et al., 2014; Lorenz et al., 2014).

Interestingly, male adolescents do not necessarily have a higher media literacy than female adolescents. In fact, the ICIL study revealed that female students in Germany significantly outperformed their male counterparts. The same did not hold for Switzerland (Fraillon et al., 2014; Lorenz et al., 2014). Interestingly, however, male students in Germany and Switzerland reported higher self-efficacy and self-confidence, even though they did not perform better than females. In-depth analysis showed that females tended to underestimate their competences (Lorenz et al., 2014). These results can be read in support of the notion that in order to ‘do gender’, boys actively reproduce the idea of their technical expertise, especially regarding new technique-based media forms. On the other hand, girls do not tend to claim this place, as it serves no purpose in reproducing their gender identity or may even be detrimental to it.

Even with the disparities in technology ownership between the genders decreasing, gender differences in media behavior were still evident with regard to specific media activities and behavior in the digital space in 2016 and 2017. While the internet was interesting for both male and female adolescents, studies have shown that male and female users claim very different patterns of media preferences. In Germany, female adolescents spent more time surfing online and used their online time mainly to communicate. In terms of the preferred online content, the study found female adolescents to favor information about problems concerning their life, world affairs, vocation, occupation, music, environment, politics, fashion, and celebrities. In terms of social media platforms, they preferred Instagram and Snapchat. Male adolescents, on the other hand, tended to be more interested in sports and gaming topics, as well as (world) politics, yet communication and entertainment were also important. In addition, the video platform YouTube was one of the most favored platforms among male students (MPFS, 2017).

In Switzerland, male adolescents also used video platforms more frequently, and they watched more movies and TV series, while female adolescents in Switzerland were more engaged with their smartphones (Waller et al., 2016). Both groups spent equal time in online communication with others, but they tended to favor different social media sites and different content respectively: while females tended to read and share comments and like pictures and posts from friends, male teenagers were more likely to post and share videos, music, and links (Waller et al., 2016).

Studies also showed how, like professional influencers, normal social media users tend to use media content to produce and reproduce their gender identity. This production is strongly influenced by the heteronormative binary gender system, as young people tend to portray themselves in gender-stereotypical patterns. Girls and women usually strive to portray themselves as attractive, fit, and non-threatening. Men and boys present themselves as powerful, (physically) strong, self-confident, and dominant to fulfill the ideal of hegemonic masculinity (Götz & Prommer, 2020; MaLisa Stiftung, 2019; Straub, 2006). Similar to male and female protagonists in movies, influencers often serve as role models for (young users) in terms of specific poses and strategies for doing gender through pictures and videos (Götz & Eckhardt Rodriguez, 2019). It is thus perhaps not surprising that Kommer (2008) did not find many young people taking advantage of the opportunity for (anonymous) gender experimentation. On the contrary, the young people in the study expressed that they would find behavior which deviates from the gender norm rather dishonest and irritating.

The most significant difference in 2016 and 2017 in both countries regarding media activities could be found in gaming. While 83% of male adolescents stated that they game regularly, only 41% of the females said the same. Eighteen percent of female students even reported never playing computer games (MPFS, 2017, p. 48). There were also apparent differences when it came to gaming genre preferences. Male adolescents preferred sports and racing games (MPFS, 2017), which follow a narrative and require some background knowledge from the real world (Graham, n.d.). By contrast, female adolescents in Germany could be shown to prefer arcade games and life simulation games, such as The Sims (MPFS, 2017). Results for Switzerland were once again similar to Germany. Male Swiss students used their leisure time more frequently for gaming and engaged more often in interactive online games (Waller et al., 2016).

Results from international studies also showed that narrative games, such as sport and racing games, that provide a narrative and require some background knowledge from the real world to be more popular among male gamers (Graham, n.d.).

As discussed above, this stark difference in gaming activities is most likely not only due to the fact that engaging in computer game activities does not serve the female strategy of doing gender but also because computer games traditionally do not provide girls and women with positive role models (Döring, 2020). In addition, the gaming scene can be shown as a typical “male” corner of the internet in which female gamers are more likely to be excluded and receive negative comments (Kommer, 2008; MaLisa Stiftung, 2019; Tillmann, 2014).

Results from international studies show similar results for media-related extramural English contacts. Olsson (2011) showed that female students read significantly more English books and engage more often in written online content, such as blogs. Sundqvist and Sylvén (2014) also found girls to be more active online and spend more time communicating and interacting with others in English.

International studies have also repeatedly shown extramural English contact through gaming to be a male domain, with female students playing less frequently. In addition, male students tend to be highly involved in multiplayer online role-playing games (MMORPG), while female students tend to prefer offline single-player games. The male players who play more frequently are, on average, also more interested in English as a foreign language (Olsson & Sylvén, 2015; J. L. Peterson, 2016; Sundqvist & Sylvén, 2014; Sylvén & Sundqvist, 2012a).

Similarly, Sundqvist (2009a) also reported a higher frequency of extramural English contact by male students for the media categories gaming and surfing the internet. However, male and female students did not differ in their overall frequency of extramural media contacts. Interestingly, while for male students extramural English contacts showed a significant positive correlation with oral language test results, and an even stronger significant correlation with vocabulary test scores, none was found for female students (Sundqvist, 2009a). The author assumed that this might be due to the higher involvement of boys in gaming and surfing the internet, both of which showed the highest effect on oral and vocabulary proficiency in the regression analysis. By contrast, female students are usually more involved in passive activities, such as reading, which might explain the non-significant results (Sundqvist, 2008, 2009a, 2011). Results from Sylvén (2004, cited in Sylvén & Sundqvist, 2015) support this interpretation, as they also found boys to report significantly more extramural contacts than girls and to perform significantly better than girls on the vocabulary test.

By contrast, Olsson and Sylvén (2015) did not find a significant difference between male and female students for extramural English contact through reading, watching movies, or writing in English. Similarly, Sylvén and Sundqvist (2012a) also did not see a significant difference between male and female students, apart from gaming.

3.2.3 Conclusion

At the beginning of this chapter, it was shown that media production and media use should not be understood independently of the gender-related power structures under which they are created. Following the deconstructivistic view on gender, mostly found in gender studies today, gender was defined as a social and discursive category that does not exist outside and a priori of humans but is produced and reproduced in interaction. As part of a given society and cultural system, the media actively reproduces the dominant gender definitions and positions of said society. Moreover, specific media channels and content are often traditionally attributed to either the female or the male sphere.

However, consumers are not passive audiences but active agents in this process. They actively use media technologies and media content to produce and reproduce their gender identity. Whereas some media categories might be beneficial for reproducing both male and female gender identity, other categories might not, as they are strongly linked to a specific group. While new forms of online media do theoretically provide opportunities for gender representation and identification outside of the heteronormative binary gender system, empirical research has repeatedly underlined the continuing differences in online media habits and gender representation as well. It can be argued that this will most likely result in different media patterns for men and women.

Nevertheless, these patterns are not entirely deterministic. In addition, the analysis of gender in its performative nature and its entire complexity proves difficult for both qualitative and quantitative research. As a result, studies often employ superficial measurements for gender and refer to the traditional heteronormative and binary gender system. Most of the empirical studies reported above have suffered from this shortcoming. It is thus perhaps not surprising that results have often shown significant similarities between genders, while differences remained small (Philipp, 2011; Philipp & Garbe, 2007). This emphasizes the need for further research and more in-depth studies (Philipp, 2011; Philipp & Garbe, 2007).

Despite these shortcomings, the evidence presented in this section suggests that adolescents overall tend to engage in gender-stereotypical media behavior, with girls being more likely to read or engage in social interaction and males spending more time gaming or with music and sports-related content. Consequently, male students are more likely to be active gamers than female students. However, both genders use the internet regularly, but female students use it significantly more to communicate.

International studies have found similar patterns for media-related extramural English contacts. In addition, male students were found to have a higher overall frequency of extramural contact, which is probably due to the fact that they are more often engaged in time-consuming media activities (e.g., watching online videos and gaming).

Technical equipment, on the other hand, has become equally distributed among male and female students in both Germany and Switzerland. This underlines the fact that the connection between gender and media is not unchangeable and there are always possibilities for reshaping (Dorer, 2002). Ultimately, however the developments of the last few decades seem more about shifting boundaries than lifting them, as gendering mechanisms continue to make some social practices more likely than others (Dorer, 2002). Thus, in general, the media, the internet, and the computer are still highly gendered and gendering fields. Through the attribution of media content and media technologies to the female or male sphere, engaging in media content also becomes an act of taking on or rejecting a particular gender identity, of doing gender. Following the theoretical framework and the overall empirical findings, the following research hypotheses can be drawn for the present study:

H3.1::

Male and female students will differ in their overall frequency of extramural English contacts.

H3.2::

Male and female students will differ in their preference for media channels and media content.

Unfortunately, the specific strategies of usage by adolescents could not be explored in detail in the present study. Instead, the study also has to revert back to a binary gender category. This makes it all the more important to emphasize that any differences found in the present study should not be understood as natural differences but should be seen as a superficial appearance of a deeper mechanism of gender identification by the students.