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Head-nodders, Gang Signs, and Bounce: Authenticating Music-Accompanying Body Practices in Rap

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Formations of Style and Affiliation

Abstract

(Youth) scenes are often described as micro- or social subcultures that form around a specific theme, are linked to ways of acting oriented towards it and are stabilised by their own norms and values. What appears chaotic and incomprehensible from the outside is a coherent, consistent and vivid whole from the inside perspective. From this perspective, the text deals with the largely unexplored practice of bouncing in rap as a specific music-accompanying bodily practice. By means of a material analysis of the connection between rap music, the self-presentation of rappers and the music-accompanying actions of concert-goers, it is to be shown that such specific actions are by no means arbitrary, but are embedded in the scene's knowledge predecessor and can be interpreted with a view to this.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    In contrast to works that cover the entire repertoire of the Hip Hop scene or culture, we focus on music-accompanying body practices in the following. In this sense, we prefer the narrower term Rap or Rap scene. We refer to German and Anglo-American artists or concerts, as the body practices were globalized with the music and can be observed throughout the scene (across national borders). Since gender and gender-specific roles are clearly differentiated in the scene, we mainly refer to prototypical male rappers for reasons of space (on the question of adaptation or innovation by female rappers, cf. Hooks 1995; Keyes 2000; Oware 2007).

  2. 2.

    This may be due to the fact that written language is the least contingent means of communication and nonverbal communication is more difficult to prepare (or transcribe) for analysis without losing or distorting essential information.

  3. 3.

    This is further promoted by the fact that language or song lyrics in HipHop seem to be central compared to other scenes.

  4. 4.

    Christopher Small (1998) uses the term “Musicking” for any action (by musicians or music-receiving people) that is connected to or related to music performances.

  5. 5.

    Bodies appear, if at all, rather indirectly as an unspecific medium of the inscription of hip-hop rules within the framework of scene socialization (cf. Klein and Friedrich 2003) or, conversely, merely as a manifestation of, for example, gender conceptions in scenes.

  6. 6.

    As a scene-specific practice, this is indicated, for example, by the album or song title “Kopfnicker” (Head Nodder) by the rap group Massive Töne (1996; translated). In the lyrics, it says, among other things: “I’m brave like Horst Tappert alias Derrick and catch there/A hip-hop kid who peacefully nods his head like Koschnick” and further “Your neck knows what’s up, it has to be hard like U-steel/If I break it, I’ll make headlines and Ju shines in the lead article on every front page/Because I have my means for every head nod attack”, and later in contrast to the metal-typical headbanging: “I am the role model and make head nodders out of headbangers”. Kopfnicker is also the name of a German hip-hop label and a party series.

  7. 7.

    The phrase “Wave/Throw your hands in the air like you just don’t care,” which is now widespread in pop music, was originally introduced by hip-hop MCs, such as Cowboy from The Furious Five, in the 1970s and popularized by “Rapper’s Delight” by The Sugarhill Gang (1979; “Just throw your hands up in the air/And party hardy like you just don’t care”).

  8. 8.

    Focusing on the movement of arms, hands, and head, rappers and female rappers in breakdance are also referred to as ‘Top-Rockers’ (i.e., people who only ‘dance’ from the waist up).

  9. 9.

    As one user writes in a rap forum about it (own material): “When I rap in public, I do it [use of hand gestures], because I’m not gonna dance and I’m not gonna stand still. Honestly, I just want to know what purpose it really serves.”

  10. 10.

    Further examples of the articulation of not dancing can be found, among others, in the following song lyrics: Westside Connection—“Gangstas don’t dance” (1996; “Gangstas don’t dance, we boogie”); Breeze—“Free Style Ghetto” (1994; “Ain’t with the dancin’/but still I get more cheers than Ted Danson”); Grand Puba—“Lickshot” (1992; “I can shake a leg if I want to/but I don’t want to cuz that’s what my dancers do”); Guru—“Gang Starr” (1994; “Not the type to really dance too much although I used to/Rather bust a fresh line and get loose to”); Ice Cube—“Jackin’ for Beats (1990; “I don’t party and shake my nuts/I leave that to the brothers with the funny hair cuts”); Ja Rule—“Murdergram” (1998; “We don’t dance no more, all we do is cock and spit/dedicated to giving you nuthin’ but thug shit”) or 50 Cent—“Disco Inferno” (2005; “Look homie I don’t dance all I do is this/It’s the same two step with a lil’ twist”).

  11. 11.

    In this context, the high-culture connoted and dance-language elaborate ballet dance seems to be particularly suitable as a contrast to individualized, experience-oriented, and popular music forms (such as in Taylor Swift’s “Shake it off” (2014).

  12. 12.

    Jan Berns and Peter Schlobinski (2003, p. 199) argue that rappers do not sing but rap due to the complex rhythm structures of the music. Since the beat is more important in rap music than the melodic design (and breakbeat as music forms the basis of rap’s development), a rhythmically oriented recitative is more suitable than a melodic singing. By considering rhythm more relevant than melody in rap, the specificity of rap music compared to other genres is justified (see Caldwell 2013). This goes so far that musical accompaniment is completely omitted in certain parts, and the ‘music’ consists only of the rapped text. This can be observed at concerts, often as a song from the repertoire or part of a song, but also and especially at freestyle events, battle raps, and cyphers.

  13. 13.

    For example, in “Kopfnicker” by Massive Töne, it says: “A brand new joint from the Massive is in circulation/33 1/3 revolutions on/90 beats per minute, good stuff is never exchanged.” In “90 BPM” (2013, translated) by Liquit Walker feat. Sido, it says “And yes, I talk in slang, my whole life, because/When my heart beats, it beats 90 BPM […] 90 BPM and me? Casual in time […] And I don’t go up or down, the vinyl on the decks is like my circulation/In time until death or never/My life’s like a soundtrack wrote to the beat.” There is also a song with the same name by Bangs & Almani (AOB) (“90 BPM”, 2018), as well as by Tom Thaler & Basil (“90 BPM”, 2017).

  14. 14.

    At a faster rhythm, rappers often use the trick of rapping half as fast (i.e., rapping one line over two bars; so-called ‘Halftime’) or rapping twice as fast on slower tracks (so-called ‘Doubletime’).

  15. 15.

    The rhythm of one’s own heart serves as a reference for the perception of music, which, for an adult in resting situations, lies between 60 and 100 BPM. In comparison, faster music is perceived as invigorating, activating, and fast, while slower music has a calming effect (also on body functions).

  16. 16.

    Forming hand signs that are partly oriented towards signs of criminal gangs (so-called ‘gang signs’; cf. White 2011, p. 41 f.) is, so to speak, a gestural pose that supports the individuality of the rapper or their affiliation with a group rather than the flow of the rap; very similar to a tag in graffiti or a signature in everyday life.

  17. 17.

    Drawing on Donald (1991, p. 220 ff.) and McNeill (1985), gestures in rap could also be further differentiated—into mimetic gestures (which imitate spontaneous emotional reactions, such as surprise, defensive postures, etc.), emblematic gestures that convey a meaning independent of the spoken word (such as the OK sign, the ‘middle finger’, etc.), and gestures more oriented towards the spoken word, including iconic gestures (i.e., images drawn in the air that are related to the articulated word, such as the finger gun and corresponding words like weapon, shoot, etc.), metaphorical gestures (images clarified with gestures that are more abstract in relation to what is said or that connotate abstract concepts gesturally, such as grabbing one’s crotch as a connotation of masculinity and toughness), and metanarrative tactical gestures (indicating digressions or subordinate clauses, inserts, etc.).

  18. 18.

    As one user in the forum (cf. FN9) explains about the use of gestures: “During a stage performance, I stood still instead of moving my hands, it felt awkward and I was told that it looked awkward.” Similarly, Matt White describes it on the website “The DJ Booth” in his article “5 best and worst rapper hand gestures in Hip-Hop-History” (2018): “How we choose to communicate with our hands separates the poor salesmen from the employees of the month, the brilliant storytellers from the timid public speakers, and the most iconic rappers onscreen from the uncomfortably stiff and awkward (I’m looking at you, Fat Joe).”

  19. 19.

    Neuroscientist Merlin Donald (1991, p. 169, 221) argues that many (culturally coded) human gestures are extended variations of spontaneous emotional bodily reactions. Gesturally mediated communication is evolutionarily prior to linguistic communication, but it is not replaced by the latter (cf., p. 61).

  20. 20.

    In response to a forum user’s question about the use of gestures in rap (cf. FN9 and 18), it is commented: “during certain execution and moments people tend to communicate with gestures. Not because they’re putting emphasis (for the most part) but because it simply feels natural on the spot, in fact when you forcefully don’t move your hands you tend to feel awkward considering that you’re trying to negate something that’s supposed to be automatic with your movement.” Another user adds: “I think it’s part of the raw emotion you feel when spittin.”

  21. 21.

    In contrast, for example, headbanging, the forward-and-back and circular movement of the head (sometimes involving the upper body), is a more physically expansive, comparatively fast, not directly tied to the beat of the music, and largely individualized movement.

  22. 22.

    This becomes clear, for example, when scene insiders report that outsiders critically position themselves towards the gestural repertoire in rap by parodying, devaluing, questioning its authenticity, or simply rating it as incomprehensible.

  23. 23.

    Posing, either with the hands or the whole body, is a widespread practice in hip-hop, especially prominent in the so-called B-Boy or Rap pose, in which one stands sideways with crossed arms and hands under the armpits (see White 2011, p. 43).

  24. 24.

    A punk summarizes his belonging and the excessiveness in punk as follows: “I always thought I would die while slam-dancing” (Fehrenschild et al. 2014, translated). It is, however, difficult to imagine a similar formulation regarding bouncing or nodding one’s head.

  25. 25.

    Accordingly, corresponding jackets and their manufacturers are also sung and rapped about (including Tommy Hilfiger, Helly Hansen, North Face, etc.). There are numerous references to the down jacket manufacturer “Triple F.A.T. Goose” (F.A.T. as an abbreviation for ‘For Arctic Temperatures’): such as Eminem—“Underground” (2009; “Looking like I got in a fucking pillow fight with a Triple Fat Goose”); Achozen—“Deuces” (2008; “Deuce is wild, this is pitty pat, two-two with the Triple Fat Goose”); Notorious B.I.G.—“Party & Bullshit” (1993; “I used to have the trey deuce and a deuce deuce in my Bubblegoose”); Redman—“Funkorama” (2002; “Cause Redman will bomb just like Saddam/When I’m loose I’m worldwide like Triple Fat Goose/heavily armed”); Loaded Lux—“Triple Fat Goose” (2013); and Ratking in “American Gods” on the album “700-Fill” (2015; in reference to the fill power of down jackets or the “700-Fill Goose Down”; “See I’m from the Triple Fat Gosse Era/You understand/Down feathers all the way/700 Fill/So from Triple Fat Goose/To the First Down/To the Bear/And people that couldn’t get Bear got the South Pole/I ain’t recommend that”).

  26. 26.

    This is also addressed in the music video of Biq Shaq’s “Man don’t dance” in the intro, when the rapper announces that the day has come when he will open and take off his jacket. He does this, but only to reveal another jacket underneath.

  27. 27.

    Carlos D. Morrison and Celnisha L. Dangerfield (2007, p. 411) argue that the down and weather jackets (see FN 25) are quotations ‘from the street’ on the one hand, and stand for durability and thus also for the perseverance of their wearer on the other hand. Francesca T. Royster (2003, p. 185) sees the large, ‘puffed-up’ (extra-puffy or bubbly) jackets as a form of physical and emotional armor. For Tricia Rose (1994, p. 38) “triple fat goose down coats make clear the severity of urban storms to be weathered and the saturation of disposable goods”.

  28. 28.

    Mean Mugging, like gestural communication, is a scene convention that is socially effective regardless of inner experience or subjective relevance and may be problematized if not adhered to: “You have to come hard. If you come soft, you get booed off the stage; and you can’t smile” (Sparky Dee quoted by Keyes 2004, p. 151).

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Eisewicht, P., Dietrich, M. (2024). Head-nodders, Gang Signs, and Bounce: Authenticating Music-Accompanying Body Practices in Rap. In: Böder, T., Eisewicht, P., Mey, G., Pfaff, N. (eds) Formations of Style and Affiliation. Springer, Wiesbaden. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-42325-4_11

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