From the Aftermath of Herat to the Accession of Naser al-Din Shah (1839–1848)

Potts, D. T.

doi:10.1007/978-3-658-36032-0_15

D. T. Potts⁸

Part of the book series: Universal- und kulturhistorische Studien. Studies in Universal and Cultural History ((UUKS))

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Abstract

As noted in Chap. 13, Mohammad Shah’s retreat from Herat resulted in the British ambassador’s departure from Tehran. Colonel Justin Sheil was left as Chargé d’Affaires to monitor British interests from Erzurum. Intelligence of active Russian involvement in the Herat adventure cast Lord Auckland’s campaign to overthrow Dost Mohammad Khan, believed in some quarters to be under Russia’s sway, in favor of Britain’s puppet and long-time pensioner, Shah Shuja’ Durrani, in a new light. Although Mohammad Shah’s backdown was seen as a blow to Russia’s southward expansion, Afghanistan’s internal affairs still needed to be regulated, in Auckland’s opinion, particularly if rumors of Persian garrisons remaining around Herat were correct. Mohammad Shah sent Hoseyn Khan to London to offer an apology, but he was rebuffed. Questions were asked in Parliament about all aspects of the Herat affair and its aftermath. Shoring up British influence in Afghanistan was now seen as vital to the defense of India by some observers, but others predicted it would engulf Britain in more wars in Asia.

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Notes

1.
Sir John MacNeill. Cf. 13.47. This is incorrect, as McNeill proceeded from Tehran to Tabriz, Doğubayazit en route for the Russian frontier, Moscow and St. Petersburg. See MacAlister (1910: 235ff).
2.
John Viscount Ponsonby (c. 1770–1855). British ambassador in Constantinople from late 1832 to 1841. For his life see Boase (1900).
3.
As Palmerston wrote to McNeill on 26 September, 1838, shortly after Mohammad Shah’s retreat from Herat, ‘We should prefer, ceteris paribus, action in Afghanistan to action in Southern Persia. The inconvenience of the latter measure is that it tends to produce that which we do not want—namely, the dethronement of the Shah, and that it would probably raise in arms against the Shah many friends of ours in Persia whom we might not afterwards be able fully to protect against the vengeance of the Shah… .If, indeed, by a coup de main we could really overthrow the Shah, and put up a better man in his place, and keep that better man there in spite of the former Shah and of Russia, that indeed might be a game worth playing; but I should fear that we have not the means of striking so great a blow.’ See MacAlister (1910: 230).
4.
Khark.
5.
George Eden, first Earl of Auckland, Governor-General of India. Cf. 13.46.
6.
Cf. 13.52.
7.
Shah Shuja’ Durrani. Cf. 13.75.
8.
As Lord Auckland wrote to McNeill on 24 October 1838, ‘I have no authentic particulars of the siege of Herat of a later date than that of the assault and repulse of the Persians; but I have general rumour and accounts from our native correspondents to the beginning of September, and of so favourable a nature that I am led to the confident belief of the siege having been raised… .The Bengal Army will amount to about fourteen thousand men, and will be supported by from five to ten thousand from Bombay, and Shah Shooja will have about six thousand officered by British officers. If the Persians should have retreated, and if the Shah finds in the country the support which he has every reason to expect, this force will appear to be unnecessarily large; but it has been collected to meet all possible contingencies, and even though it should be spared a march to Herat, its peaceful progress to Shikarpore, Candahar, Cabul, Attock, and Loodiana will not be without a salutary effect.’ See MacAlister (1910: 227–228). As Ingram (1984: 14) put it, ‘Shah Shuja-ul-Mulk, a former amir of Afghanistan…had been living as a pensioner of the British at Ludhiana since his overthrow in 1809. The First Afghan War originated in plans made earlier in the decade to provide the limited military support—and little was thought to be required—necessary to put Shah Shuja back on the throne at Kabul and to help him take over Herat. In return for his help, Afghanistan would be thrown open to British trade and to the beneficial and stabilizing influence built into British goods.’
9.
That this was not written by the rulers of Kabul, Kandahar and Herat seems patently obvious, but that the document was given some credence is also seen by its inclusion as ‘Contre-Déclaration des Etats de Caboul, de Candahar et de Hérat, en date du 17 Octobre 1838,’ in Martens and Murhard (1840: 730–734).
10.
Cf. 13.70,.
11.
Barakzais. A division of the Durrani tribe. Elphinstone (1815: 398) described them as ‘a spirited and warlike clan’ who ‘make a much more conspicuous figure than any other tribe among the Afghauns… .the grand vizier, and almost all the great officers of the state, are Baurikzyes, and they owe their elevation to the courage and attachment of their clan. Their numbers are not less than thirty thousand families.’
12.
Maharajah Ranjit Singh, Sikh ruler of the Punjab. Cf. 11.77.
13.
As Carey (1882: 57–58) noted, ‘The sensation caused by the appearance of the Meerut Observer induced Dr. John Henderson to start a press at Agra in 1831, whence issued the first number of the Agra Ukbar in 1832, as a native paper in the Persian character; his chief object being to give a correct report of the cases tried in the civil and criminal courts. A few months’ trial showed that the experiment was not likely to succeed; but he was not a man to be put down by trifles and so he converted the paper into an English one in November of that year. Its exterior was poor indeed, and until Mr. Henry Tandy became editor, it was in rather a sickly state. The talents and wit of that gentleman soon gave it a place among the leading journals of India, and he was moreover well supported by the members of the civil service in all parts of the country. His death in 1840 was the signal for the decline of the paper.’ Hobbes (1893: 269) later defined ukhbars as ‘manuscript Newspapers in the vernacular, which circulate only among the natives. These appear to deal wholly in scandal, especially noticing and criticising the habits of the Europeans, of whom we hear that they speak with the utmost freedom, severity, contempt, and even in some cases…with disgust.’
14.
Lord Auckland. Cf. 15.2.
15.
Describing the plan to depose Dost Mohammad Khan and re-install Shah Shuja‘on the throne he had lost years earlier, Kaye (1895: 50) wrote of ‘Simlah—that great hotbed of intrigue on the Himalayan hills—where the Governor-General and his secretaries were refreshing and invigorating themselves, and rising to heights of audacity which they might never have reached in the languid atmosphere of Calcutta.’
16.
Mohammad Shah.
17.
Latin ‘burden of proof.’
18.
From the last sentence of the American Declaration of Independence, ‘And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred Honor.’ See Hazelton (1906: 341–342).
19.
McNeill left Iran on 2 January 1839. See MacAlister (1910: 235).
20.
Mohammad Shah.
21.
Mohammad Shah ‘was very angry, and looked upon the British Envoy as being personally the cause of his failure.’ See MacAlister (1910: 233).
22.
There is no hint of any of this in the Burgess letters. See Schwartz (1941–1942).
23.
John McNeill.
24.
Hoseyn Khan. Cf. 13.64, 13.69. Hoseyn Khan, if he actually did have shawls for Queen Victoria, certainly did not deliver them but after several long, fruitless interviews with Palmerston, returned to Iran, as a letter from Sheil to Palmerston dated 7 February 1840 reveals. See Anonymous (1841a: 104).
25.
Mohammad Shah.
26.
Queen Victoria (r. 1837–1901).
27.
Mohammad Shah.
28.
Cf. 13.85 where the Augsburg Gazette is called ‘the accredited organ of the Autocrat.’
29.
Nicholas I (r. 1825–1855).
30.
In Shakespeare’s Macbeth (Act III, Scene 2) the protagonist says, ‘We have scotch’d the snake, not kill’d it.’
31.
Lord Auckland.
32.
John McNeill.
33.
As MacAlister (1910: 235–236) noted, ‘On second January, 1839, Mr. McNeill left Persia for home. Colonel Sheil and the other members of the Mission also removed to Erzeroum in Turkey, and the British officers were sent to Bagdad. The rupture between the British and Persian Courts was thus complete, but communication by letter did not cease, and Colonel Sheil continued to act as Chargé d’Affaires from Erzeroum.’ For Sheil cf. 14.145, 14.152, 14.156.
34.
The phrase ‘pretty plunder’ has been used by a number of writers but one early source for the quotation here could have been Byron’s 1822 tragedy Werner (Act 2, Scene 2, ll. 122–123), ‘If then, like me, content with pretty plunder/You turn aside.’ See Coleridge (1905: 382).
35.
Cf. Potts (2017a: 13).
36.
Edward Walter Bonham (1809–1886). In 1834 he travelled together with James Baillie Fraser from Constantinople to Tabriz. See Fraser (1838b: 152–153). There he later served as Consul (1837–1846). See Mair (1884: 679). According to Wagner (1856/3: 93–94), ‘Mr. Bonham seemed…very amiable, but less sociable…he had a large house and a very small family… .He had married a niece of Sir Robert Peel, a beautiful and charming person, who had faced the dangers and hardships of the voyage and road, to accompany her husband to Persia. They spent the honeymoon on the stormy waves, and after residing awhile at Tabris, where their union was blessed with a lovely child, they proceeded with the young traveller to India and China, where Mr. Bonham obtained other appointments.’
37.
Mohammad Shah.
38.
Considering the fact that Nesselrode and McNeill, and later Nesselrode and Palmerston, discussed the impasse between Britain and Persia, and Simonich’s conduct had been criticized by Nesselrode , this cannot be taken seriously. Indeed, Nesselrode told McNeill that ‘Count S. had acted entirely contrary to his instructions.’ See MacAlister (1910: 239).
39.
Sir James Graham (1792–1861). At the time Member for Pembrokeshire (1838–1841). Previously he had been Foreign Secretary (1828–1830), and would be again (1841–1846), and also Secretary for War and the Colonies (1834–1835). See Courthope (1848: 453–454). For his life see Torrens (1863).
40.
John Henry Temple, third Viscount Palmerston, British Foreign Secretary. Cf. 13.46.
41.
More precisely at Erzurum.
42.
Mohammad Shah.
43.
George Hamilton-Gordon, fourth Earl of Aberdeen (1784–1860). For his life see Gordon (1893). Gordon (1893): 114 described him as ‘decidedly opposed to Lord Palmerston’s mode of conducting foreign affairs.’
44.
Sir Alexander Burnes. Cf. 13.52.
45.
Lord Auckland.
46.
Arthur Wellesley, first Duke of Wellington (1769–1852).
47.
William Lamb, second Viscount Melbourne (1779–1848). He famously backed Lord Auckland’s invasion of Afghanistan over McNeill’s suggestion ‘of moving into Persia from Bushire,’ if need be. See Torrens (1878/2: 273).
48.
Henry Brougham, first Baron Brougham and Vaux (1778–1868).
49.
Russia.
50.
Russo-Turkish War of 1828–1829.
51.
The Black Sea.
52.
Mehemet ‘Ali Pasha (1769–1849). As Kelly (1968: 292) noted, on 25 May 1837 he ‘announced his intention of declaring his independence of the Porte and of establishing his own dynasty in Egypt and Syria.’ Cf. 10.228.
53.
Nicholas I.
54.
Only one officer was inside the walls of Herat during Mohammad Shah’s siege, namely Lieut. Eldred Pottinger. Cf. 13.48.
55.
Mohammad Shah.
56.
A false rumor.
57.
Cf. 15.6, 15.7, 15.19.
58.
The Prime Minister. Cf. 15.14.
59.
This last paragraph clearly expresses an American sentiment.
60.
Her Majesty’s Steamship Hermes, 220 horsepower, launched from Portsmouth on 26 June 1835. See Sharp (1858: 168).
61.
Mohammad Shah.
62.
Evidence of a French attempt to copy one such shawl is provided by a so-called ‘Nou-Rouz’ shawl, woven by Gaussen Ainé et C^ie. in Paris, and designed by Amédée Couder, the theme of which ‘may have been inspired by a shawl described in a French fashion journal of 1838, and presented to Queen Victoria by the Shah of Persia.’ See Mackrell (1986: 54).
63.
As a result of the plundering of an EIC vessel, the Duria Dowlut, in 1837, and the failure of the Sultan of Lahej to offer satisfactory redress, the Bombay government sent Capt. Stafford Bettesworth Haines in the sloop-of-war Coote in September, 1838, to demand satisfaction. When a rowboat belonging to the Coote was fired upon from the shore, ‘hostilities were declared and commenced between the British and the Arabs of Aden, which ended in the assault and capture of that place on the 19th January 1839.’ See Elias (1876: 3–4).
64.
Count Arlo Andrea Pozzo di Borgo (1764–1842). Corsican diplomat and at the time Russian Ambassador to Great Britain. He went from being a childhood friend of Napoleon’s to an ‘implacable foe…who never rested till he had, with marvellous skill, manipulated international politics to the undoing of his enemy. It was the Corsican vendetta transferred to history, its weapons the intrigues of diplomacy, its coup de grâce involving the destinies of nations.’ See Richardson (1920: 362–363).
65.
The same letter is reproduced in Anonymous (1839b: 200–204).
66.
Nicholas I.
67.
Ulick John de Burgh, Marquess of Clanricarde (1802–1874). British Ambassador to Russia (1838–1840). In a note sent by the Marquess of Clanricarde to Palmerston from St. Petersburg on 20 November 1838, he wrote, ‘Count Nesselrode proceeded to talk of Persian affairs, and of the note which I had presented to him. He protested against the existence of the slightest intention on the part of Russia hostile to our Asiatic dominions. He said that naturally they desired to possess influence in Persia and in Turkey; but that such influence was not for the purpose of injuring British possessions or British interests. Count Nesselrode acknowledged that Count Simonich had certainly acted in a manner of which we had a right to complain; and therefore that functionary has been recalled.’ See Anonymous (1838h: 194, no. 114).
68.
Alexander Osipovich Duhamel/Dyugamel [Александр Осипович Дюгамель] (1801–1880). Son of a French father ‘who joined the future French King Louis XVIII while he lived in exile in Mitau (mod. Jelgava) in what is now Latvia during part of the Napoleonic Wars,’ and ‘entered the service of the Russian Empire under Alexander I,’ after whom he named his son. See Kilian (2013: 321). Duhamel had been Nicholas I’s aide-de-camp and Russian consul-general covering Egypt, Syria and Crete (1833–1837). See Kane (2005: 60). While serving in this capacity, von Pückler-Muskau (1845: 152) described ‘the Russian Consul-General, Colonel Duhamel as ‘an able diplomatist, who speaks all the current languages of Europe, and is versed in every branch of knowledge.’ Palmerston wrote to McNeill, ‘Duhamel, who is to succeed Simonitch, is perhaps a more formidable man because he is not quite so much of an intriguer. Simonitch overshot his mark. Duhamel will take a better aim. But you will, no doubt, be able to open the Shah’s eyes to his true interests, which ought to lead him to remain at peace with Russia, but to emancipate herself [sic] from her thraldom.’ In 1854 Duhamel submitted a detailed plan, including a precise itinerary, to Nicholas for a Russian invasion of India. See Edwards (1885: 266–271).
69.
As Mosely (1936: 670), wrote, Duhamel ‘had a difficult assignment. He was to disavow Simonich’s promises, break off all relations with the two Afghan princes, convince the Shah that he would receive no aid from Russia, and thus press him to seek a direct settlement with England. To drive home the new Russian policy, Duhamel was to hasten the repatriation of the battalion of Russian-Polish deserters, the Shah’s only European-trained unit. In spite of this change in policy, he was expected to maintain the great prestige which Russia had enjoyed in Persia since the last war.’
70.
Kohundil Khan. Hough (1840: 139) wrote, in discussing the chiefdom of Kandahar, ‘The three brothers, Sirdars, Kohun-dil Khan, Rehm-dil Khan, and Mehr-dil Khan, held 9-10ths of the land, and would not rent it without an immediate return; nor grant a water-lease but on exorbitant terms; hence the people were ripe for a change…The Moollahs (priests) were not regarded with respect by the Sirdars, so that they could not succeed in raising a war on the score of religion; and the Sheeah part of the Kuzzulbashes not being influential, the Sirdars alone would appear to have desired an alliance with Persia.’
71.
McNeill obtained a copy at this time as well, and in a letter sent to Palmerston from Herat, dated 11 April 1838, but not received until 18 June, he wrote, ‘At Kandahar, our position is even more precarious; and I have the honour to inclose a translation of a draft of a Treaty between the Shah and the Chief of Kandahar, which it is proposed to conclude by the mediation and under the guarantee of Russia, and which has for its object to unite Herat and Kandahar under a Chief, who shall be nominally subject to Persia, but actually under the protection of Russia. I am unable to inform your Lordship what progress has been made towards the conclusion of this Treaty, or what view the Shah may have taken of the position in respect to these countries, in which, by this arrangement, he would be placed; but the Treaty is said to have been signed by Kohundil Khan, and I am not without very serious apprehensions, that even before the fall of Herat, Kohundil Khan may be induced to co-operate with the Shah; while in the event of Herat’s being reduced, I cannot doubt that the Chief of Kandahar will consider it to be for his advantage to connect himself with Persia and Russia rather than with England.’ See Ferrier (1856: 507).
72.
Count Ivan Osipovich Simonich (1794–1851; ambassador to Persia, 1832–1838). Cf. 13.2.
73.
This marked a stark reversal in Russia’s policy for, as Mosely (1936: 670) noted, ‘Once in Teheran, Duhamel’s ideas evolved rapidly in favour of Russian intervention. By the end of February, 1839, he was convinced that Simonich and Vitkievich has [sic, had] not exceeded their instructions, in following an aggressive policy. “Count Simonich was incautious and made mistakes, I do not deny that; but at bottom he kept to the direction given him by the Imperial Ministry.” In a memorandum to Nicholas I, Nesselrode disparaged the conduct of the Afghan chiefs by noting, ‘Ils ont commencé par négocier avec notre Mission et demandé au Comte Simonitch sa garantie, comme un gage de sûreté indispensable, pour les mettre à l’abri de la mauvaise foi des Persans. Dès qu’ils ont obtenu cette garantie, ils sont allés droit aux Anglais pour leur dire: voice ce que nous accorde la Russie. Que. ferez-Vous pour nous? Si Vous voulez nous protéger contre les Persans, nous sommes à Vous. Voilà en peu de mots la conduite que les Serdars de Kandahar ont tenue. La garantie qu’ils ont obtenue du C-te Simonitch, n’a été entre leurs mains qu’un simple moyen de négociation pour traiter plus avantageusement avec les Anglais.’ See Mosely (1936: 676). Cf. in general on Nesselrode’s attempts to reach a rapprochement with Britain, Ingle (1976).
74.
Ivan Viktorovich Vitkievich (1806–1839). Also Jan Witkiewicz (Polish) and Jonas Prosperas Vitkevičius (Lithuanian). Ingle (1976: 79) called him ‘a romantic Polish intellectual with vague Pan-Slav sentiments and a burning desire to fight British imperialism…the most unlikely of Russian expansionists—a Polish patriot who had written some revolutionary poetry that enabled the authorities to trace his membership in a secret society, “the Black Brothers,” for which he was arrested and banished to Orenburg in 1824… .Writers and scholars interested in Slavic and Asian history, languages, and culture visited Orenburg frequently in the 1820s and 1830s, and Witkiewicz was encouraged to pursue his own studies of languages and literature. He soon became fluent in Persian and several Kirghiz dialects, and his talent received special recognition in 1829 when he was a translator for the German scientist Baron Alexander von Humboldt, who passed through Orenburg on his Central Asian expedition. At the end of the expedition, Humboldt praised Witkiewicz highly, and requested that he be rewarded, preferably by being freed to return to Poland. His reward was to be made an officer and adjutant to the Governor-General. In the 1830s Perovskii sent him on missions into the Kirghiz steppe, Khiva, Bokhara, and the Afghan khanates, usually in native dress under the name “Omar Beg,” alone or in the company of a few cossacks. Beyond his talent for languages he held a romantic vision of Asia’s future, a vision that Perovskii thought was true in spirit and Nesselrode found obnoxious… .In the summer of 1837 Perovskii assigned Witkiewicz to serve under Simonich, and in October “Omar Beg” went to Kabul.’ Cf. Kessler (1960). Posing as a Russian ‘commercial’ agent, Vitkievich was sent to influence Dost Mohammad Khan in Kabul, where he had extensive interactions with Burnes. See e.g. Lal (1846/1: 294ff); Kaye (1851: 185ff); Blaramberg (1874: 156ff); Rawlinson (1875: 148, n. *); Sykes (1915: 431); Morrison (2014: 267–268).
75.
As Kaye (1874/1: 296–297) noted, ‘the British Government asked whether the intentions of Russia towards Persia and Afghanistan were to be judged from Count Nesselrode’s declarations, or from the actions of Simonich and Vickovich. The answer was, that Vickovich had been despatched to Caubul on a “Commercial Mission,” and that, if he had treated of anything but commerce, he had exceeded his instructions; and that Simonich had been instructed, not only to discourage Mahomed Shah from prosecuting the expedition against Herat, but to withdraw the Russian-deserter regiment, which formed no insignificant portion of the invading army. “Not upon the cabinet of Russia,” it was said, “can fall the reproach of having encouraged or suggested that fatal enterprise.” The proceedings of the agents were repudiated. Vickovich, being a person of no account, was remorselessly sacrificed, and he blew out his brains. But an apology was found for Count Simonich. It was said that he only assisted a friendly state when in extreme difficulty, and that any English officer would have done the same.’
76.
Count Karl Robert Nesselrode, Russian Foreign Minister. Cf. 10.197.
77.
As Mosely (1936: 671) observed, ‘Although Duhamel advocated a militant policy in Asia, he was carrying out Nesselrode’s orders. His first act was to recall Vitkievich from Kabul, whither he had been sent by Simonich as bearer of the newly concluded Afghan-Persian treaty and of a considerable sum of money, either of Persian or Russian origin. In any case, the Persian war indemnity had furnished Simonich with large funds which he was free to lend, if not to give, for political purposes. His successor no longer had this discretion. Vitkievich now returned to Teheran. Meanwhile, the sirdar of Kandahar had untertaken to capture Herat, which had successfully defied the long Persian siege, but on learning of the Anglo-Sikh advance he abandoned this project, and hastened to concert their common defence with his brother in Kabul.’
78.
Count Pozzo di Borgo. Cf. 15.21.
79.
English Sunday newspaper founded in 1807. It was described as ‘a paper of our New Statesman class, but more detailed in its plan, printing the text of despatches as well as offering reflections thereon, and giving also the police, law and theatre news besides touching upon “every subject connected with the refined and elegant pleasures of life.”’ See Morison (1932: 241).
80.
Founded in 1790, The Morning Chronicle was ‘destined to be the most formidable competitor of The Times until a series of misfortunates brought it to an untimely end a few days before the Christmas of 1862.’ See Morison (1932: 161, 193).
81.
H.M.S. Wellesley left Bombay on 23 February 1839 with Sir Frederick Maitland on board and arrived at Bushehr on 20 March 1839. See the letter from Capt. Samuel Hennell, the EIC Resident in the Persian Gulf, to the Secret Committee of the EIC. Anonymous (1841a: 68). Cf. Kelly (1964: 364–365).
82.
Mohammad Shah.
83.
None of this is correct. The reference to Lahore alludes to Ranjit Singh, the Sikh ruler.
84.
Mohammad Shah.
85.
Mohammad Shah.
86.
‘Shah of Persia’ is an error for Shah Shuja‘ ‘who realized that he was only a King in name and proofs were not lacking that he and his ministers were secretly fomenting disturbances in Zamindawar and elsewhere.’ See Sykes (1940/2: 18). The reference to the Shah marching against Herat thus refers to the Army of the Indus, part of which included Shah Shuja‘’s forces. The detachment of 5000 men to Bandar-e Bushehr appears to confuse the invasion of Afghanistan with the demonstration against Mohammad Shah in the Persian Gulf which, however, involved fewer than 500 men, although as McNeill noted, ‘Oriental imagination helped by magnifying the 500 troops to 5000.’ See MacAlister (1910: 226).
87.
Maharaja Man Singh of Marwar and Jodhpur (r. 1804–1843). For his career see e.g. Wheeler (1878: 158–162); Bose (2015: 198ff). No such conspiracy with Dost Mohammad Khan and Shah Shuja‘is recorded.
88.
Mohammad Shah never sent troops to Bushehr.
89.
Mohammad Shah.
90.
This refers to a confrontation occasioned by Sir Frederick Maitland’s landing at Bushehr. As Col. Sheil reported to Lord Palmerston in a letter from Erzurum dated 26 May, 1839: ‘At the port of Bushire there are two landing-places, one close to the Residency, the other situated at a remote part of the town. Admiral Sir F. Maitland, on his arrival at Bushire, made use of the Residency landing-place, which appears to have been an usual practice. To this unimportant proceeding the Governor of Bushire [Mirza Asadollah] expressed so much disapprobation, that Admiral Maitland, preparatory to his return on board the “Wellesley” next morning, found it necessary to order the ship’s boats to be in attendance at the same landing-place, previously to his embarkation. At the time of embarkation, the mob of Bushire pelted with stones the officers of the “Wellesley” standing on the beach; a firing from the garrison, or town’s people, ensued, whether on the boats or not Captain Hennell’s [the British Resident] letter does not indicate, though private letters from Bushire announce this to be the fact; mentioning that two balls lodged in the accoutrements of individuals of the naval party. The fire was returned from the boats, but was not permitted by Admiral Maitland to be continued, and no lives were lost. Subsequently to this occurrence, an officer was fired at while walking on the roof of the Residency. Captain Hennell determined to leave Bushire [for Khark], but he was not allowed to carry his removal into execution without receiving an additional display of the hostility of the governor. Two guns were brought into a position where they might bear on the residenncy; the Governor commenced the tracing of a tower which should command the landing-place and the Residency gate, and he paraded round the Residency with two or three hundred armed men.’ See Anonymous (1841a: 67).
91.
Mohammad Shah.
92.
Mohammad Shah neither sent troops to Bushehr nor launch another assault on Herat.
93.
Mohammad Shah.
94.
Anonymous (1839h).
95.
Mohammad Shah.
96.
Article 9 of the Treaty of Tehran. See Hurewitz (1956: 87).
97.
Dost Mohammad Khan.
98.
As Burnes et al. (1839: 40) noted, in Seistan, a power struggle erupted when one brother rebelled against the rightful ruler, the eldest son of Bahram Khan Kiani. The rebel ‘fled to Herat, and sued for the aid of Kamran. He immediately invaded Seistan, plundered it, and drove off 6000 of its inhabitants captive, whom he sold into slavery, or exchanged to the Toorkmans for horses.’ This is the outrage which the author of the present article states was being avenged by Mohammad Shah when he besieged Herat, and this justification was used by Hoseyn Khan, as was the suppression of the slave trade, in his dealings with Palmerston, though it is obvious that Mohammad Shah was not actuated by a desire to stamp out slavery. For the complex history of Seistan’s relationship with Herat during the fifty years preceding the siege of Herat, see Bellew (1873: 140–142).
99.
John McNeill.
100.
On 15 January 1836 Ellis wrote to Palmerston from Tehran, noting that ‘The Shah of Persia lays claim to the sovereignty of Affghanistan, as far as Ghizni, and is fully determined to attempt the conquest of Herat in the spring. Unfortunately, the conduct of Kamran Meerza, in violating the engagements entered into with His Royal Highness the late Abbas Meerza, and in permitting his Vizier, Yar Mahommed Khan, to occupy part of Seistan, has given the Shah a full justification for commencing hostilities… .but while the Russian Government is free to assist Persia in the assertion of her sovereign pretensions in Affghanistan, Great Britain is precluded, by the ninth Article of the existing Treaty, from interfering between the Persians and Affghans, unless called upon to do so by both parties; and therefore, as long as this Treaty remains in force, the British Government must submit to the approach of Russian influence, through the instrumentality of Persian conquests, to the very frontier of our Indian Empire.’ See Anonymous (1839b: 6–7). Similarly, as McNeill wrote to Palmerston from Tehran on 23 February 1838, ‘The most obvious impediment to the interference of Great Britain in the quarrel between Persia and Herat, is the stipulation contained in the ninth Article of the Treaty of Tehran; but it can hardly be argued that this article binds us to permit the unjust and wanton destruction by Persia of the most valuable defences of India, while the Shah appears to be acting in concert with, and promoting the influence in those countries of that very Power [Russia] whose exclusion from them has become the chief object of the alliance with His Persian Majesty.’ See Anonymous (1839b: 72). The article in the Treaty of Tehran of 25 November 1814 referred to here reads: ‘If war should be declared between the Afghans and Persians, the English Government shall not interfere with either party unless their mediation to effect a peace shall be solicited by both parties.’ See Hurewitz (1956: 88).
101.
Qajar.
102.
This paragraph is quoted directly from an undated letter sent by Yar Mohammad Khan to McNeill. See Anonymous (1839b: 50–51).
103.
Eldred Pottinger (1811–1843). Cf. 13.48.
104.
Sikhs.
105.
This paragraph is quoted directly from a letter sent by the Persian Foreign Minister, Mirza Mas‘ud, to Sheil, dated 28 November 1838. See Anonymous (1839b: 173).
106.
fides Punica. This originated in Livy’s (21.4.9) character assassination of Hannibal. As Starks (1999: 257) noted, ‘By Augustan times fides Punica was the Roman by-word for the deepest capacity for faithlessness.’
107.
Haji Mirza Aqasi [Haji Mirza ‘Abbas-e Erevani] (1783/4–1848). Originally Mohammad Shah’s tutor, he was appointed Grand Vizir in 1835. For his career see Amanat (1986/2011). Cf. 13.21.
108.
This paragraph is quoted directly from an letter sent by the Persian Prime Minister, Haji Mirza Aqasi, to McNeill. See Anonymous (1839b: 38).
109.
Count Simonich.
110.
Captain Vitkievich. Cf. 15.21.
111.
Viscount Palmerston.
112.
Lord Auckland.
113.
Sir Alexander Burnes.
114.
Lieut. Robert Leech, followed in 1840 by H.C. Rawlinson. See Burnes et al. (1839: 51ff); Rawlinson (1898: 76).
115.
This was said to Mountstuart Elphinstone who ‘once strongly urged to a very intelligent old man of the Tribe of Meeankhail, the superiority of a quiet and secure life, under a powerful monarch, to the discord, the alarms, and the blood, which they owed to their present system. The old man replied with great warmth, and thus concluded an indignant harangue against arbitrary power, “We are content with discord, we are content with alarms, we are content with blood, but we will never be content with a master.”’ See Elphinstone (1815: 174, n. *).
116.
Mountstuart Elphinstone (1779–1859). Raised in Edinburgh, where his father was Governor of Edinburgh Castle, Elphinstone spent a short time in England before sailing in July, 1795, at age sixteen, for India. In 1809 he was selected by the Governor-General of India, Lord Minto , to lead a mission to Shah Shuja‘ and the Court of Kabul which resulted in both diplomatic and literary success in the form of Elphinstone (1815). Three years later he became Commissioner of the Pune Territories (Deccan) and in 1819 he was selected to be Governor of Bombay, a position that he held for eight years, after which he returned to Britain. Although twice offered the Governor-Generalship of India, he declined in each case because of his health. For his life see Kaye (1869a: 335–458).
117.
Elphinstone (1815).
118.
Burnes (1834: 313).
119.
A paraphrase of Burnes (1834: 330–331).
120.
Cf. 13.52. As Ferrier (1858: 220) noted, ‘the Sertip [Brigadier General] Samsoun Khan, of Russian origin, could not be considered such; he had resided in Persia for many years, and, having refused to take advantage of the amnesties granted by the Emperor of Russia to his subjects who were deserters, Samsoun Khan was much more of a Persian than a Russian, as all those who knew him could aver… .At the time of the siege he commanded the Persian battalion of the Chaldean, Armenian, and Nestorian Christians, to which were attached seven or eight hundred Russian deserters, nearly all of whom were common soldiers; a very small number of these had been sergeants and corporals, and they had for the most part arrived in Persia long before there was any question of the siege of Herat.’
121.
This paragraph comes from a letter of 31 July 1838 sent by McNeill to Palmerston. See Anonymous (1839b: 135–136).
122.
Elphinstone (1815: 317) wrote, ‘the idea of a Hindoo soldier would be thought ludicrous in Caubul.’
123.
As noted above, Simonich was recalled and replaced by Duhamel, who then dismissed Vitkievich who, allegedly, committed suicide shortly after his return to St. Petersburg.
124.
Nesselrode protested that he was completely against the actions of Simonich and Vitkievich, as shown in his letters to Pozzo di Borgo and Palmerston (15.21), and in the verbal assurances given to McNeill when he passed through Russia after his departure from Iran. See MacAlister (1910: 238–246).
125.
William Leete Stone (1792–1844), important journalist, editor, author and outspoken public intellectual in early nineteenth century New York. For a full account of his life see Stone (1888: 45–92). Cf. 15.170. Stone met Mar Yohanna while he was visiting Saratoga Springs, NY. See Stone (1875: 223), where the date is given incorrectly as 1845 instead of 1842.
126.
Mohammad Shah.
127.
Kamran Shah.
128.
Fath ‘Ali Shah.
129.
John McNeill.
130.
Hoseyn Khan. Cf. 13.64.
131.
Mohammad Shah.
132.
As Flandin (1851: 497–498), wrote, ‘En 1839, un ambassadeur persan était venu à Paris. On doit croire que les difféerends survenus entre les gouvernements persan et anglais, à propos d’Hérat, n’étaient pas étrangers à la mission que Mehemet-Châh avait donné à Husseïn-Khân. En effet, la diplomatie que ce personnage faisait à Paris n’avait pas d’autre but que de chercher à affranchir la Perse du joug insupportable que lui faisait subir l’Angleterre. Elle n’eut pas d’ailleurs d’autre résultat que l’achat de plusieurs milliers de fusils et la cession par le gouvernement français d’une douzaine de sous-officiers pris dans des régiments d’inanterie, de cavalerie et d’artillerie, qui entrèrent au service de la Perse comme instructeurs militaires. Ces jeunes gens, qui avaient été choisis dans leurs corps respectifs, n’étaient pas des aventuriers allant chercher fortune au fond de l’Asie, comme tant d’autres avant eux; ils partaient chargés d’une mission toute spéciale et temporaire, et en conservant la position à laquelle leurs services leur donnaient droit en France. Mais les difficultés que leurs devanciers avaient rencontrées devaient se présenter de nouveau à ces instructeurs, et des intrigues de toute sorte furent mises en œuvre pour entraver complètement l’emploi que la Perse aurait pu faire, à son profit, des connaissances des sous-officiers français. Les obstacles qu’ils ne cessèrent de rencontrer furent tels, que pas un d’eux ne put réussir à former quelques soldats persans. Ils restèrent, en Perse, oisifs, pendant quatre années à la suite desquelles ils rentrèrent en France.’ For a full account of the mission see Couderc (1900). The French mission left Toulon on 30 October 1839 on board le Véloce, Capt. Bechameil, just a few weeks after Hoseyn Khan had departed from Marseilles. They arrived in Constantinople on 22 November and proceeded from there to Trebzond before proceeding overland. See Cadalvène and Barrault (1840: 293). Initially, the mission included only two military officers, ‘le marquis de Beaufort-d’Hautpoul, capitaine de l’état-major, pour les questions d’organisation militaire en général, et le vicomte Paul Daru [1810–1877], capitaine de hussards, pour l’observation de la cavalerie persane.’ See Couderc (1900: 482). Charles Marie Napoléon Brandouin, marquis de Beaufort d’Hautpoul [1804–1890], rose to the rank of general under Napoleon III. Paul Daru’s father had been Minister of War under Napoleon and he himself was an 1830 graduate of Saint-Cyr, France’s foremost military academy. See Hauterive (1848: 391). According to other sources, ‘Un officier et huit sous-officiers français, un souffleur de verre et un armurier font partie de la mission.’ See Karvar (2004: 69).
133.
Mohammad Shah.
134.
Considering the fact that Gen. Duhamel had just completed a tour of duty as Consul-General in Egypt, this is not surprising. See von Pückler-Muskau (1845: 152). Suspicions of an alliance were not new. Anonymous (1836d: 76) wrote, ‘The Sultan is irritated in the extreme at the treachery of Persia in the Kurdistan…and I have strong reason to believe, from additional information, that Mehemet Ali was a confederate prompter in the deed. He has been already detected by Mr. Ellice [sic, Ellis] in intrigues to instigate the Persian Court against England, and had repeatedly expressed to his counsellors his reliance on the duration of the war in the Kurdistan as an annoyance to the Porte, and a drain on its resources.’
135.
‘Ali Khurshid Pasha, Mehemet ‘Ali Pasha’s regent in Najd at this time. As Kelly (1964: 359) noted, ‘Command of the Egyptian troops in Najd was transferred in May 1838 to Khurshid Pasha, who set up his headquarters at ‘Anaiza…He spent the summer there, consolidating the Egyptian hold on the country and building up a supply depot.’ By early January, 1839, ‘Khurshid Pasha had garrisoned the principal ports along the Hasa coast, Qatif, ‘Uqair and Saihat, with Egyptian troops, and had despatched agents to Kuwait and Bahrain, and to the shaiks of the Muntafiq tribe, near Basra, to procure supplies.’ See Kelly (1964: 361). The British and their Trucial allies (Bahrain, Trucial States) mainly feared that Khurshid Pasha would attempt, firstly, to conquer Bahrain, and secondly, Abu Dhabi, Sharjah and the rest of the Trucial States.
136.
Certainly several months earlier, when the British medical officer from the Persian Gulf Residency (on Khark after it had decamped from Bandar-e Bushehr) visited Basra and Mohammarah, an attack by Khurshid Pasha was thought to have been imminent. See Kelly (1964: 373). In fact, Mehemet ‘Ali Pasha had pledged in July not to move on Basra and Baghdad. See Kelly (1965: 39). Thus, ‘Khurshid Pasha showed no sign during September of resuming the offensive in eastern Arabia,’ as Kelly (1965: 41) observed. Basra and Baghdad were seemingly far from his mind, which was preoccupied with affairs in Oman and the Trucial States at this point.
137.
Mohammad Shah.
138.
Mohammad Shah.
139.
Mehemet ‘Ali Pasha.
140.
Mod. Nizip, between Gaziantep and Bireçik in southeastern Turkey. The battle occurred on 24 June 1839 and Ibrahim Pasha, Mehemet ‘Ali Pasha’s son, defeated Hafez Pasha, the Ottoman commander. According to Kelly (1965: 38), the British Resident on Khark learned of this battle on 1 August 1839.
141.
Haji ‘Ali Ridha Pasha. Longrigg (1925: 265) described him as, ‘A junior Wazir with a good record, he was promoted to the joint provinces of Aleppo and all of ‘Iraq save Mosul,’ in 1830. As Groves (1832: 263) reported, ‘It is said that all these provinces, from Bussora to Bagdad, Sulemania, Mosul, Diarbekir, Merdin, Orfa, and Aleppo, are to be under the government of Ali Pasha; at all events there seems to be such a change contemplated.’ Cf. Longrigg (1925: 175). The governor of Mosul, Qasem Pasha al ‘Umari, became his second in command. His original brief was to unseat and replace the rebellious Daud Pasha in Baghdad. Haji ‘Ali Ridha Pasha ruled for eleven years, until his transfer to Syria in 1842. See Longrigg (1925: 282).
142.
‘Talaru’ is presumably a variant of tallero, the ‘Italian equivalent of the Thaler.’ See Frey (1917: 235).
143.
Qasem Pasha al-‘Umari. See Longrigg (1925: 265).
144.
Mohammad Shah.
145.
Needless to say, as Mohammad Shah had only recently evacuated the environs of Herat, such an adventure in Baghdad would have been out of the question.
146.
Mohammad Shah.
147.
Ghazni, Afghanistan.
148.
Mohammad Shah.
149.
Hoseyn Khan.
150.
Cf. 15.35, 15.63, 15.73.
151.
As Judd (1975: 54) noted, ‘Palmerston insisted on drafting all important departmental dispatches himself…He also wrote numerous articles for the press (often in the same words as his dispatches), and several newspapers, the Observer, the Courier, the Morning Chronicle and the Globe followed editorial lines that he had laid down in return for payment out of the Secret-Service money; this was not exactly bribery, rather the buying of government “advertising space.”’
152.
Mohammad Shah.
153.
Mirza Asadollah. In a letter to the Secret Committee of the EIC, dated Khark, 22 April 1839, the Resident Capt. Hennell informed them that he had told Hoseyn Khan Sirdar, ‘a Persian nobleman sent down by the Prince of Shiraz,’ that ‘after the misconduct I had experienced from Meerza Assad, his removal from the Government of Bushire was a necessary preliminary to the re-establishment of the Residency in that port.’ See Anonymous (1841a: 72–73). In a subsequent letter dated 18 June, Hennell wrote to the Secret Committee that, ‘On the eighth instant, Meerza Assad received an intimation from the Wuzeer of Fars that he was remove from the Government of Bushire, and Meerza Mahomed Hoosein Khan (the Wuzeer’s son-in-law) appointed in his room. A letter to my address, from the Shah’s news-writer in that town, informs me, that the removal of Meerza Assad from his situation has been directed by the authorities of Fars, in order to prove the sincere desire entertained by them for a renewal of the former friendly relations with the English. Meerza Assad has left Bushire, and taken up his residence in the neighbourhood, where he intends to await the reply of the Prince of Shiraz to a petition got up by the Chief Moollah and merchants of the place for his being reinstated in the Government.’ See Anonymous (1841a: 84–85).
154.
Sir Frederick Maitland (1777–1839). Commander-in-chief of naval forces in India. He died ‘on board his flag-ship the Wellesley, at sea in the vicinity of Bombay, in his 63rd year.’ See Anonymous (1840b: 94).
155.
Faridun Mirza, younger brother of Mohammad Shah. He entered upon his duties on 11 November 1836. See Busse (1972: 253). He held this post until 1841 when Mohammad Shah installed his son, the crown prince Naser al-Din Mirza, in his stead. See Busse (1972: 267). According to Hasan-e Fasa’i, ‘Since the inhabitants of Fārs had taken their complaints about Faridun Mirzā Farmān-Farmā to the court in the year 1256 [1840], and the prime minister, Haji Mirzā Āqāsi, though one of his protectors had not been able to cover up the misdeeds, the shah deposed Faridun Mirzā without the prime minister’s consent.’ See Busse (1972: 272).
156.
Mohammad Shah.
157.
For Wilbraham cf. 13.59, 14.54.
158.
Mohammad Shah.
159.
This is reproduced in Wilbraham (1839: 15–22).
160.
Mohammad Shah eventually had five sons. See Anonymous (1873a: 717).
161.
Naser al-Din Mirza. Cf. 14.53, 14.207, 14.213.
162.
Solayman Khan-e Qajar Qoyunlu was a cousin of Agha Mohammad Shah’s, a one-time governor of Azerbaijan and adjutant of ‘Abbas Mirza. See Busse (1972: 485). At this time he was ‘chef des Afchars.’ See de Sercey (1854: 492).
163.
That is, his mother, Jahan Khanom Mahd-e ‘Olya, was a Qajar, whereas the mothers of three other sons of Mohammad Shah’s were Turkmen (‘Abdus-Samed Mirza, Ibrahim Mirza) and Afshar (Mohammad Taqi Mirza). See Anonymous (1873a: 717); Amanat (1986/2011).
164.
According to Anonymous (1873a: 717), Mohammad Shah’s second son was ‘Abbas Mirza who was born in 1839 and whose mother was a sister of Yahya Khan’s.
165.
Haji Mirza Aqasi. Cf. 15.32.
166.
Built by Agha Mohammad Shah and enlarged by Fath ‘Ali Shah, the Negaristan palace ‘stood nearly a mile beyond the old city walls, but now Teherân has grown so as to include it.’ See Benjamin (1887: 75–81) and Dieulafoy (1887: 129) for detailed descriptions of it.
167.
As Calmard (2004) noted, ‘By the age of twenty, Moḥammad Mirzā was completely devoted to Āqāsī and his Sufi teachings.’
168.
Mohammad Shah’s father ‘Abbas Mirza.
169.
Mirza Abu’l-Qasem Qa’em Maqam. Cf. 11.35.
170.
According to Hasan-e Fasa’i, ‘The shah was angry with Mirzā Abu’l-Qāsem Qā’em-Maqām, as the latter, since his appointment to the vizierate of Ādherbāyjān, did not do anything in accordance with the wishes of the shah and, after the shah’s accession to the throne, doubted whether the shah was true and benevolent towards him. Finally the shah decided to arrest him. In the night of 24th Ṣafar of the year 1251 [20 June 1835], he summoned him to the Bāgh-e Negārestān in Tehran and had him arrested upon his arrival. In the night of the last day of the month of Ṣafar—a Saturday—Qā’em Maqām was strangled and buried in the vicinity of the shrine of ‘Abd ol-‘Aẓim. Then the office of prime minister was entrusted to Haji Mirzā ‘Abbās-e Erevani, known as Haji Mirzā Āqāsi, whom the shah esteemed as an excellent lawyer and outstanding ascetic.’ See Busse (1972: 241).
171.
As Mullaly (1894: 141) noted, ‘in 1837 and 1838, vessels were sent from the Russian naval station at the island of Sari, to cruise off the south-eastern shores of the Caspian Sea, while at the same time the island of Ashurada [Ashūradeh /Ashur Ada] (at the mouth of the Gulf of Astrabad) was quietly occupied. This step alarmed the Persians, and a request was made that the Russian naval commander should either be placed under the orders of the Governor of Astrabad, or failing this, that naval aid might be withheld. The Russians, however, had no intention of withdrawing, as they had managed to get hold of an excellent and long-coveted point d’appui, from which they could threaten Astrabad and Khorassan. This first landing on the island attracted but little attention, and was apparently merely a temporary occupation; but in 1841 Ashurada was permanently taken possession of, for the ostensible purpose of protecting Persian trade against the Turkoman pirates. Sir John M’Neill reported the matter to the British Government in 1842; and in 1849, as Persia was unable to induce the Russians to evacuate the island and had petitioned England for aid, Lord Aberdeen applied to Russia to withdraw. But they had meanwhile been strengthening their position; extensive buildings had been erected; and negotiations were opened from thence with the Turkomans. The English representation, therefore, had no effect, and Ashurada has since remained in Russian hands.’ For the occupation, see also Mirfendereski (2001: 29–33). According to Murdoch Smith (1873: 6), who visited Ashuradeh in 1868 and 1871, ‘There are usually three or four men-of-war stationed at Ashuradeh, besides a few others cruising in the neighbourhood, the whole under the command of a Commodore, who, with many of the officers and men and their families, lives on the island.’ The island was returned to Persian sovereignty in 1922 under the terms of Article 3 of the Soviet-Persian Friendship Treaty. See Mirfendereski (2001: 116).
172.
Nicholas I.
173.
Mohammad Shah.
174.
Kamran Shah. Cf. 13.70.
175.
Mohammad Shah was prone to painful attacks of gout. See Calmard (2004).
176.
A reference to the failed Russian campaign against Khiva in 1839 when, as Potto (1874: 33) noted, ‘troops, under the command of Adjutant-General [Count Vasily Alexeyevich] Perovsky [1794–1857], were again moved into the steppe, across the Ust Urt, to the Khivan frontiers, in order to occupy the Khanate, liberate the captives [those taken as slaves by the Turkmen], and open the way for trade. But this campaign ended very unfortunately, although there were no military operations. Severe frosts, hurricanes, deep snows, and insufficiency of grass, forced the detachment to return when half way from Orenburg, their loss being incalculable; nearly two-thirds of the effective strength of the men, 9000 camels, and an immense number of horses died on the road of disease, cold and hunger, and the remainder returned to the line in a most pitiable and exhausted state… .The cost of this expedition amounted to 6,500,000 paper roubles. But scarcely had the unfortunate detachment reached the line, when the Emperor Nicholas ordered immediate preparations to be made for another campaign against Khiva. This alarmed not only the Khivans but the English, who used all their influence to force the Khan to comply with our [Russian] legitimate demands, and to issue a firman prohibiting Russian people from being detained in his dominions against their will. Another campaign was then deemed superfluous, and peaceful relations with Khiva continued up to 1847, when our first Aral fort was founded on the banks of the Aral sea.’ For Perovsky’s own account of the expedition see Perofski (1867).
177.
Haji Baba/Mirza Baba, Mohammad Shah’s physician. He is identified as the envoy in 15.53.
178.
Mohammad Shah.
179.
Mehemet ‘Ali Pasha.
180.
A letter of 27 January 1839 sent by Lord Ponsonby to Palmerston noted, ‘Your Lordship will observe, in the Persian correspondence sent home by this messenger, what is said respecting an understanding between the Shah of Persia and Mehemet Ali (a fact I long ago knew and stated).’ See Anonymous (1841b: 2). As Ceylan (2011: 43) noted, ‘after the defeat of the Ottoman military by forces of Muhammad Ali of Egypt, Persia sent an envoy to İstanbul who audaciously offered Persian military assistance in return for Baghdad province. If this offer was not acceptable, they also offered to pay (money) for it.’ However, as Amanat (1986/2011) noted, ‘Lukewarm negotiations with Moḥammad-‘Alī of Egypt in response to the latter’s earlier proposal for the formation of an anti-Russian league was eventually abandoned after Moḥammad-‘Alī’s retreat from Syria (1840) presumably for fear of Russian retaliation.’
181.
Allah Qoli Bahadur Khan (r. 1825–1842). Wolff, who met him in 1832, described him as ‘a warrior and a divine…When he is marching towards the enemy, fourteen Dervishes accompany him, who exclaim continually, “Be not neglectful of the remembrance of God!” He marched several times against the King of Bokhara, whose great enemy he is, and had always the advantage over him.’ For a long description of Allah Qoli and his reign see Howorth (1880: 930–941).
182.
Mohammad Shah.
183.
Count Pozzo di Borgo. Cf. 15.21.
184.
Mehemet ‘Ali Pasha.
185.
Mohammad Shah.
186.
This was presumably Mirza Baba. See Elgood (1951: 495). Mahdavi (2005: 185) called him the ‘leader of the opponents of Western medicine.’ This is surprising as Mirza Baba was one of the five Persian students sent to London by ‘Abbas Mirza. Upon his return he was ‘the first Iranian physician educated in Europe and was granted the title of Hakim Bashi at the court of ‘Abbas Mirza, where he worked with the Prince’s personal English physician, Dr. Kormick [sic, Cormick]. After ‘Abbas Mirza’s death Haji Baba entered the service of the new Crown Prince Muhammad Mirza where he visited the prince every day and was given the title of Mirza Baba… .He was sent abroad with a number of official delegations. As he knew English and was familiar with European manners, he also acted as interpreter and advisor to those delegations. One such mission was his trip to St. Petersburg accompanying the Crown Prince [sic] Khosraw Mirza on an official mission after the killing of Prince Griboyedov, the Russian ambassador in Teheran.’ See Atai (1992: 20–21). In 1831 Wolff ‘was introduced to his Royal Highness Abbas Mirza, by Mirza Baba, his chief physician… .Mirza Baba, has all the feeling of an honest, upright gentleman: I feel quite comfortable in his society.’ See Wolff (1833: 68).
187.
The Russophobe faction in Britain were very diligent about measuring the distance from Russian territory to British India via Persia and Afghanistan. In fact, the distance from Astarabad to Herat via Mashhad was c. 596 miles. See Marvin (1883: 82).
188.
Mohammad Shah.
189.
Marvin (1883: 82) calculated the distance from Astarabad to Mashhad as 367 miles, and Mashhad to Herat as 229 miles, for a total of 596 or just under 600 miles.
190.
As Elphinstone (1815: 542–543) noted, on the day after Nader Shah’s murder, ‘a battle took place between the Afghauns and Uzbeks under Ahmed Shauh on one side, and the Persians on the other… .After this affair Ahmed Shauh fought his way through the greater part of Khorassaun, and passing the fortified places without attacking them, repaired to Candahar… .He there found that a treasure coming from India for Naudir had just been seized by the Dooraunees, and he immediately claimed it for himself: some of the chiefs at first hesitated to give it up to him, though his authority as head of the Suddozyes was now backed by a military force. He put some of the most obstinate to death, and met with no further opposition in his tribe. In October 1747 he was crowned at Candahar: Dooraunee, Kuzzlebaush, Beloche, and Huzaura chiefs are mentioned as assisting at the coronation. Ahmed Shauh was then very young: a contemporary historian makes him only twenty-three years of age.’
191.
Lieutenant-Colonel Sir Alexander Burnes. Cf. 15.14.
192.
Cf. Sir Henry Willock’s comment in a letter to Palmerston dated 1 December 1838, ‘As far as I can learn from newspaper reports, the object of the British Government in India is to remove from authority Dost Mohammed Khan, the present ruler of Cabul (a chief whom Colonel Sir J. Barnes formerly characterised as able and sound judging), who has sought, by connecting himself with the Persians, to defend himself against the encroachments of Runjeet Sing, and to substitute Shah Shuja, a superannuated puppet, who, judging from his fallen fortunes, has not adherents to give strength to his cause.’ See Willock (1858: 36). For Dost Mohammad Khan’s early life see Lal (1846). He died in 1863.
193.
Maharaja Ranjit Singh. Cf. 11.180,
194.
Mohammad Shah.
195.
Mohammad Shah went to Isfahan in late January, 1840, when, as Hasan-e Fasa’i wrote, ‘The shah left Tehran for Esfahan in order to chastise the evildoers of that city… .A number of inhabitants of Esfahan were punished.’ See Busse (1972: 267) and n. 119. Cf. Boré (1840b/2: 446), who noted that a high-ranking cleric had tried to dissuade him from undertaking the voyage by citing some unfavorable astrological data: ‘Lorsque Mehmed-Schah quitta Tehéran, à la fin de janvier, avec l’intention d’aller á Ispahan, ce même Mouchetehid, qui craignait sans doute les embarras et les frais d’une visite royale, représenta à Sa Majesté que les conjonctions des astres n’étaient point favorables à son voyage.’
196.
Mohammad Shah.
197.
Mohammad Shah certainly did not go to Isfahan to coordinate a movement with Russian forces. Rather, ‘Le shah était allée comprimer un soulèvement à Ispahan,’ and was therefore absent when the French mission under de Sercey arrived in Tehran and, ‘Malgré la splendid réception du Beglier-bey, M. de Sercey se hâta de le rejoindre dans son ancienne capitale,’ i.e. Isfahan. See d’Alton-Shée (1869: 3). For the journey of the French mission to Isfahan see Boré (1840b/2: 439), ‘L’ambassade avait hâte d’arriver près du Roi, campé alors aux portes d’Ispahan.
198.
Mohammad Shah.
199.
Mohammad Shah.
200.
Mohammad Shah.
201.
A ‘paquebot à vapeur,’ under the Administration des Postes de France, operating in the Mediterranean. See Marchebeus (1839: 270).
202.
Cf. 15.35, 15.73. According to Couderc (1900: 7), ‘La mission d’instructeurs, placée sous la direction du commandant Boissier, se composait de dix lieutenants d’infanterie, d’artillerie et de cavalerie: Boucherat, Chauvet, Vitard, Chapt, Delamarre, Ferrier, Bussières, Vergne, Delacroix et Pichon, dont la fonction devait être d’instruire les soldats persans au maniement des armes achetées en France. Choisis dans leurs corps respectifs en vue de ce but particulier, ces officiers n’étaient que temporairement détachés au service du Chàh et conservaient en France, dans leurs armes spéciales, la position à laquelle leurs services pouvaient leur donner droit.’ It was not until 15 September, 1840, many months after their arrival, that these military instructors were given their assignments which took them to Qazvin (Chauvet ), Tehran (Pichon , Delacroix, Vergne, Bussières, Delamarre, Ferrier), Firuzkuh (Boucherat ) and Hamadan (Boissier ). Another Frenchman who joined the mission in Isfahan, Polino, was assigned to Damavand. See Couderc (1900: 119).
203.
Mohammad Shah.
204.
Mohammad Shah.
205.
Félix Édouard, comte de Sercey (1802–1881). De Sercey was named Ambassadeur Extraordinaire by King Louis Philippe and accompanied the French military mission that departed from Marseilles on 21 September 1839. See Couderc (1900: 9). Previously he had been First Secretary in the French Mission in St. Petersburg. See von Blaramberg (1874: 404). It was this mission that brought Flandin and Coste to Iran. For the ambassador’s impressions see Sercey (1854), Sercey (1928).
206.
Cf. 13.30. In 1832 Qahraman Mirza, a son of ‘Abbas Mirza and brother of Mohammad Shah (Couderc 1900: 51), ‘took nominal command of the forces employed’ to install Mahmud on the throne in Sulaimaniyah, and oust Solayman Pasha. See MacAlister (1910: 149). When the French arrived in Tabriz Qahraman Mirza was governor of Azerbaijan. See Coste (1878: 153).
207.
Hoseyn Khan.
208.
As Coste (1878: 153–154) explained, apart from being made to wait for propitious weather to be declared by the astrologers before a visit could be paid to Qahraman Mirza, ‘Une autre question encore donna lieu à une foule de discussions puériles. L’usage en Perse (la Turquie l’a supprimé) est d’entrer sans chaussures chez les grands et de rester debout devant eux. Il s’agissait de savoir si nous entrerions avec les bottes chez le prince et si nous pourrion nous y asseoir. M. de Sercey étant bien résolut à ne pas se conformer à cet usage, iil fut convenu que nous entrerions bottés et que nous aurions tous un siège.’ This led to a decidedly cold reception. ‘Nos bottes nous valurent ce froit accueil. Comme nous l’avons dit, on ne doit pas se présenter botté aux princes persans. M. de Sercey ne voulut pas se soumettre à cet usage absurde, il garda ses bottes et nous en fimes autant. Les Russes et les Anglais introduisent leurs bottes dans des bas, quand ils visitent les parents du schah, de peur de se faire quelque misérable querelle à propos de bottes. Nous suivimes les instructions de notre ambassadeur, et le tapis du prince fut offensé par le contact de nos semelles; aussi ne nous présenta-t-on ni sorbets ni thé.’
209.
Mohammad Shah.
210.
Most notably the failed Khivan expedition.
211.
Elliot D’Arcy Todd (1808–1845). For his life see Kaye (1869b: 1–94). Born in London, he attended the East India Company’s Military Seminary, Addiscombe. Upon completion of his studies, he sailed for India where he arrived in May, 1824. In 1833 he went to Iran as one of the military instructors under the command of Colonel William Passmore, arriving just as the news of ‘Abbas Mirza’s death reached Bandar-e Bushehr. Eventually, he took charge of the Persian artillery. In 1838 he accompanied McNeill when he went to Herat to dissuade Mohammad Shah from continuing the siege there and later, after Shah Shuja‘ had been installed, he was sent by Lord Auckland, the Governor-General in India to whom McNeill had sent him with despatches, as Political Assistant and Military Secretary to the Envoy and Minister [William Hay Macnaghten] at the Court of Shah Shuja‘. Cf. MacAlister (1910: 228). According to Markham (1874: 481–482), ‘Major Todd was sent on a mission to negotiate a treaty of alliance, by which the independence of Herat was to be guaranteed, on condition that the slave trad was abolished. This arrangement was accomplished in August 1839… .Todd withdrew the mission from Herat in September 1840,’ to which he added, ‘Todd’s proceedings at Herat were disapproved of by Lord Auckland. He was remanded to his regiment, and was killed at the battle of Firuzah [Ferozepore/Firoz-shahar].’
212.
Captain (later Sir) James Abbott (1807–1896), Bengal Artillery. After attending Addiscombe, the EIC military college, he was commissioned as a second lieutenant in the Bengal Artillery in 1823. As Todd noted on 1 April, 1840, ‘Some time ago I deputed James Abbott on a friendly mission to the Khan or King of Khiva. An opening was offered me, so I took advantage of it on my own responsibility, and I am happy to say that the Governor-General [Auckland ] has approved of the measure. James Abbott was well received by the Khan, and has been employed as a mediator between Khiva and Russia, the troops of the latter being on their march towards the Khan’s capital.’ See Kaye 1869b: 57. For Abbott’s account of his mission, see Abbott (1856). In 1842 he became Assistant to the British Resident at Lahore, and in 1846 Boundary Commissioner of the Punjab. In 1848 he was made Assistant to the British Resident in the Hazara District. His attempt to suppress a Sikh uprising there led to the Second Anglo-Sikh War. See Abbott (1848); Hasrat (1995); Ure (2009: 45ff).
213.
Perovsky himself put the strength of his army at ‘5325 men with 22 guns and 4 rocket stands.’ See Perofski (1867: 107). Abbott (1843/1: 110) illustrated, however, just how inflated the estimate of the Russian troop strength could become. The Khan of Khiva told Abbott that the invading force numbered 4–5000 men, plus artillery, with a further 12,000 in reserve at Orenburg. Cf. Skrine and Ross (1899: 244) who put the strength of Perovsky’s force at ‘3 ½ battalions of picked infantry, 2 regiments of Ural and 5 squadrons of Orenburg Cossacks, and 22 guns with a rocket train. Transport was effected by nearly 2000 horses and 10,000 camels, tended by 2000 Kirghiz.’
214.
Allah Qoli Bahadur Khan. Cf. 15.52.
215.
General Vasily Alekseevich Perovsky (1794–1857), previously and subsequently (1833–1842, 1851–1857) military governor of Orenburg. For his activities see e.g. LeDonne (2008: 40ff).
216.
This of course never happened, since Perovsky ordered a retreat long before reaching Khiva. Addressing his troops on 1 February 1840, he said, ‘Comrades! It will soon be three months since we commenced our march with a sincere trust in God, and a firm resolution to fulfil the orders of our emperor. Ever since we started, we have had to struggle against obstacles of the severest character, and a winter of unprecedented severity. These difficulties we have successfully overcome, but we have not had the satisfaction of meeting the enemy… ..In one thing only have we been unfortunate: we have lost a large proportion of our camels, and those that are left are exhausted by hunger and fatigue. We are thus deprived of the means of transporting our stores of provisions for the remaining distance of the route. However painful it may be to forego the victory that awaited us, we must on this occasion retrace our steps towards our frontiers.’ See Perofski (1867: 165–166). Although Czar Nicholas wished to launch a second campaign, this never eventuated, but so frightened were the Khivans of the prospect of a real invasion, that they decided to comply with the Russian demands for the release of captives and slaves, and ‘In the summer of 1840 there arrived at Orenburg an Embassy with over 400 Russian captives. At the same time the Khan issued a decree, in which not only the plundering of Russian subjects, but even the sale of them was once for all forbidden throughout his territories.’ See Stumm (1876: 44).
217.
For the Persian ambassador sent to Khiva see Abbott (1843/1: 51, 66, 75, 84–85, 147, 183).
218.
As Mullaly (1894: 134) noted, ‘In 1835 Lieutenant Vitkievitch—who afterwards appeared in Kabul—visited the Khanate disguised as a Kirghiz-Kazak; and since that time several Bokharan envoys were sent to Russia, their visits being returned by the despatch of Russian agents.’
219.
Mohammad Shah.
220.
According to a letter from Haji Mirza Aqasi to Palmerston dated 21 April 1840, Mohammad Shah and ‘the royal troops had pitched their camp at Sadetabad, near Ispahan’ on 7 April 1840. See Anonymous (1841a: 107. Cf. 15.58).
221.
Nicholas I.
222.
Prince Ivan Feodorovich Paskevich of Erivan. Cf. 11.29.
223.
Mohammad Shah.
224.
Mohammad Shah.
225.
The ambassador and some of his suite left Isfahan on 1 June 1840. See de Sercey (1855: 87). Jules Pichon and some of the other military instructors did not leave Isfahan for Tehran until 10 June, arriving at their destination on 25 June. They proceeded to Hamadan, where Mohammad Shah had gone, on 27 July, seeking reimbursement for the arms ordered in France by Hoseyn Khan, who had never paid for them, and the mission returned to Tehran on 16 August. See Couderc (1900: 103, 105, 114).
226.
In Pichon’s opinion, the military training efforts of the mission were ‘paralysés par la Russie, dont l’intérêt est de le [the Persian people] laisser dans l’ignorance, dans l’oubli des choses pour que toujours ses coups soient plus sûrs, et ses intérêts plus entendus et satisfaits.’ See Couderc (1900: 120).
227.
Mehemet ‘Ali Pasha of Egypt.
228.
As Mullaly (1894: 138–140) noted, ‘An important embassy was sent to the Court of Nasrullah Khan of Bokhara. In 1840 the Amir [Nasrullah Khan] began to fear that his dominions would be invaded by a British column from Kabul, and he therefore sent an influential envoy named Mukin-Beg to St. Petersburg, with letters and presents for the Czar, besides gifts for various other Russian authorities. The Russian Government seized this opportunity, and despatched a mission under Colonel Buteneff, charged with the collection of “positive and reliable information concerning the Khanate of Bokhara, and neighbouring countries, and with the arrangement of terms for regulating the mutual relations between Bokhara and Russia.” In his instructions which he received from the Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs, he was also directed to observe the effect produced on Bokhara by the recent events in Afghanistan, as the acquisition of this information would enable him “to suggest the best means for strengthening the political influence of Russia and for developing Russian trade in this part of Asia.”…But as soon as the British evacuated Kabul, and all danger of invasion from the south was removed, Nasrullah began to show his disinclination to have any dealings with the infidel—whether Russian or English—and from this time the position of the Russians became daily more and more difficult… .On the night of April 19, 1842, Buteneff and his companions started on their way back to Russia, the negotiations having been completely unsuccessful.’
229.
Mohammad Shah.
230.
Mohammad Shah.
231.
Mohammad Shah.
232.
Yar Mohammad Khan, Kamran Shah’s vizir. Cf. 13.40.
233.
As Kaye (1869b: 58–59) noted, ‘the office which D’Arcy Todd held was one which demanded not only high courage and resolution in the representative of the British Government at that semi-barbarous Court [Herat], but also consummate tact, and a temper cool, patient, and forbearing… .The nominal ruler of the place, Shah Kamran, was a puppet in the hands of an unscrupulous Minister. Perhaps there was not in all Asia a worse man than Yar Mahomed… .It must be admitted that, after his own fashion, the Wuzeer conducted his negotiations on behalf both of Herat and of himself with remarkable ability. His one object was to turn to profitable financial account the presence of the British Mission at Herat. He was treacherous and avaricious to an excess even beyond the ordinary limits of Afghan treachery and avarice. All this was now apparent to Major Todd. But he knew that it was the desire of the Government which he served not to precipitate a rupture with the Heratee Government.’
234.
Signed on 28 October 1841. For the text see Aitchison (1933: 67–69); Hurewitz (1956: 123)
235.
On 15 January 1836 Ellis wrote to Palmerston that, ‘I feel quite assured that the British Government cannot permit the extension of the Persian Monarchy in the direction of Affghanistan, with a due regard to the internal tranquility of India; that extension will, at once, bring Russian influence to the very threshold of our empire; and, as Persia will not, or dare not, place herself in a condition of close alliance with Great Britain, our policy must be, to consider her no longer an outwork for the defence of India, but as the first parallel from whence the attack may be commenced or threatened.’ See Anonymous (1853c: 1219).
236.
Mohammad Shah.
237.
Josiah Harlan (1799–1871). Wolff (1861: 368–369) met Harlan while he was serving as a governor in Gujarat, under Ranjit Singh. ‘He [Wolff] arrived there late at night, and was brought to the palace of the Governor, who had expected him; when, to his great surprise, he heard some one singing “Yankee Doodle,” with all the American snuffle. It was his Excellency the Governor himself. He was a fine tall gentleman, dressed in European clothing, and with an Indian hookah in his mouth. Wolff asked how he came to know “Yankee Doodle!” He answered, in nasal tones, “I am a free citizen of the United States, from the State of Pennsylvania, city of Philadelphia. I am the son of a Quaker. My name is Josiah Harlan”… .He had, in his early life, studied surgery, but he went out as supercargo in a ship to Canton in China. And then he returned again to America, where he had intended to marry a lady, to whom he was engaged; but she had played him false. He then went to India, and came to Calcutta, whence Lord Amherst, at that time Governor-General of India, sent him as Assistant-Surgeon with the British army to the Burmese empire. Afterwards he quitted the British army, and tried to make himself king of Affghanistan; but, although he actually took a fortress, he was defeated at last by a force sent against him by Rundjud [Ranjit] Singh, who made him a prisoner. Rundjud Singh, seeing his talents, said to him, “I will make you Governor of Goojrat, and give you 3000 rupees a month (equal to £300). If you behave well, I will increase your salary; if not, I will cut off your nose.” So Wolff found him, and his nose being entire was evidence that he had behaved well.’ He served briefly as Colonel in the 11th Pennsylvania Cavalry (13 November 1861–19 August 1862) in the American Civil War, but was honorably discharged ‘as a means of promoting the harmony and efficiency of the regiment,’ and was considered ‘a source of dissension among the officers of the regiment,’ by his commanding officer, Maj. Gen. John Adams Dix. See Hunt (2007: 78). Harlan is thought to have inspired Rudyard Kipling’s short story, ‘The Man who Would be King.’ See Macintyre (2008). For Harlan’s own account see Harlan (1842).
238.
Nicholas I.
239.
Russian Foreign Minister. Cf. 15.21.
240.
Ghazni.
241.
Sir Robert Sale (1782–1845). As Vigne (1842: xxxii) noted, ‘We know that Sir Robert Sale was sent to chastise the Ghilzye mountaineers, who, it is said, had risen in consequence of their not receiving the money which was paid to them for keeping the passes open; but the public do not know the particulars connected with their rising.’ For his wife’s account of these actions see Sale (1843).
242.
As Stubbs (1895: 59) noted, Sale’s forces camped before Jalalabad on 12 November 1841 and occupied the town on the following day.’ By April, 1842, more than 6000 Afghan fighters menaced Sale. As Stubbs (1895: 64) wrote, ‘The defence of Jalálabád worthily vindicated the good fame of our army. The honours accorded by Lord Ellenborough to “the Illustrious Garrison” were merited… .When General Pollock arrived on the 16th he did not rellieve Jalálabád. The garrison had done that for itself, and for a time there was no enemy to fight.’ Describing Auckland’s disastrous adventure in Afghanistan, Morris (1896: 67) noted, ‘The whole story, however, was not one of humiliation and disgrace. General Sale’s brigade, which was on its return to India, stood fast at Jelalabad, and kept the town against all odds. The garrison, thoroughly repaired the defences of the town, defeated the enemy in several sallies, repaired the walls which were nearly levelled to the ground in the terrible earthquake of February 19 [1842], and showed such a bold front as kept the enemy in awe, and clearly proved what British soldiers and sepoys could do when bravely and intelligently led.’
243.
Strabo, Geography 15.1.1, noted that, ‘Megasthenes…advises persons not to credit the ancient histories of India, for, except the expeditions of Hercules, of Bacchus, and the later invasion of Alexander, no army was ever sent out of their country by the Indians, nor did any foreign enemy ever invade or conquer it. Sesostris the Egyptian (he says), and Tearco the Ethiopian, advanced as far as Europe.’
244.
Khorasan.
245.
‘Abu Mansur Sebüktigin, governor of Ghazna on behalf of the Samanid dynasty (r. 977–997). See Bosworth (1963: 307).
246.
Abu’l Qasem Mahmud, known as Mahmud of Ghazna (r. 998–1030).
247.
‘Abu Sa‘id Mas‘ud (r. 1030–1041), i.e. Mas‘ud I of Ghazni.
248.
Mu’izz ad-Din Mohammad Ghori (1149–1206).
249.
Jalal al-Din (1199–1231).
250.
According to Juvaini, he fled to Luristan, not Kurdistan. See Boyle (1958: 437).
251.
Babur (1483–1530).
252.
Akbar (r. 1556–1605).
253.
Aurangzeb (r. 1658–1707).
254.
Cf. 15.56.
255.
General Sir John Keane, first Baron Keane (1781–1844). As Vibart (1894: 330–331) wrote, ‘Keane had been told by the Politicals that Ghuzni was deserted—so he had taken no breaching guns, only a battery of 24-pound Howitzers, useless for battering. On arrival he found Ghuzni strong, and strongly held by the Afghans. His supply of food was short, and two armies of Ghilzais were hovering on his flanks. He consulted [Capt.] Thomson [Bengal Engineers], who reconnoitred the place and gave his opinion that there were but two alternatives open. To mask the fortress, advance against Dost Mahommed and defeat him, when Ghuzni would fall; the second was to blow open the gates and carry the place by assault. The latter was adopted, as Keane had but 3 days’ provisions, and the artillery had only sufficient ammunition for one battle. Ghuzni was accordingly successfully stormed and Sir John Keane became Lord Keane of Ghuzni.’
256.
As Sykes (1940/2: 61) noted, ‘He was escorted to Shikarpur and formally set at liberty. In the first instance, however, he proceeded to Lahore, where he was magnificently entertained by Shir Singh, who was now Maharaja of the Punjab.’
257.
Lieutenant Edward Patrick Lynch (d. 1884), 16th Regiment, Bombay Native Infantry. See Potts (2017a). ‘He was one of the British officers employed in Persia under Sir Henry Lindsay Bethune. He commanded a corps at Kisir Chur and the defeat of the Shiraz princes, for which he received the thanks of the Shah, the decoration of the Lion and Sun, and the British local rank of major in Persia.’ See Lynch (1925: 108). Cf. 13.12 and Kayat (1839/1: 19, 41, 87–92, 100–103 and 109) for his role earlier in seating Mohammad Shah on the throne see. Anonymous (1842b: 204) noted, ‘Some parties attribute this general rising in Affghanistan to the affair of Lieut. Lynch, who, being in command at Kelat-i-Ghizi, attacked a small fort in the neighbourhood without provocation, and killed the chief and nearly all his people; the whole tribe of the Ghilzies, about 500 strong, swore to be revenged for the insult and injury, and for the innocent blood of the people.’ Cf. Ferrier (1858: 335). As Kaye (1857: 119–120) noted, ‘It was a gallant military exploit, but a great misfortune; and Lynch, whether he had judged rightly or wrongly that the exigencies of the occasion demanded that he should chastise the people who had insulted him, was condemned both at Caubul and Calcutta…Major Lynch was removed from office.’ In spite of this episode, Lynch retired in 1878 as a lieutenant-general. See Lynch (1925: 108).
258.
Akbar Khan, the murderer of Macnaghten. As Sykes (1940/2: 31) noted, following this act, ‘Akbar Khan was undoubtedly the leader of the Afghan Chiefs at this period.’
259.
Mohammad Shah.
260.
This appears to be a pastiche of old news.
261.
Cf. 15.56. Ahmad Shah died in 1773. See Sykes (1940/1: 367–368).
262.
Colonel Robert Clive (1725–1774). For his life see Forrest (1918).
263.
The battle with the Nawab of Bengal, Siraj od-Daula, occurred on 23 June 1757. See Beale (1881: 262). As Ingram (1984: 8) noted, ‘The conquest of India would transform Great Britain…from a peripheral state in Europe…into a continental state in Asia with geographically and strategically unsatisfactory frontiers behind which a foreign élite became more and more worried about the difficulty of keeping control.’
264.
Timur Shah (r. 1773–1793). See Sykes (1940/1: 368–370).
265.
Zaman Mirza was Timur Shah’s fifth son and governor of Kabul at the time of his father’s death. See Sykes (1940/1: 371).
266.
Homayun . According to Sykes (1940/1: 371–372), ‘Humayun Mirza, the eldest son, marched from Kandahar to dispute the succession but was defeated at Kalat-i-Ghilzai and fled to the protection of Naser Khan of Kalat.’ Later, when Zaman Shah invaded the Punjab, he ‘was forced to postpone the expedition by the rising of Humayun Mirza, who was supported by the Baluch Chiefs. However, upon the approach of the Afghan army, Humayun was betrayed, was captured and was blinded.’
267.
Fath Khan Barakzai. Cf. 10.22.
268.
Samson Khan (General Samson Iakovlevich Makintsev). Cf. 13.52.
269.
Lord Auckland.
270.
Probably fictitious figure first mentioned in 1476 in a chronicle detailing events that occurred in 1307 in Unterwalden, Switzerland. See e.g. Carruth (1907: xxxviii).
271.
Timoleon (c. 411–337 BC), Corinthian general who liberated Syracuse, slaying its tyrant Dionysius II, and bringing freedom to its city-states. See Plutarch, Parallel Lives s.v. Aemilius-Timoleon, for which see e.g. Westlake (1938); Swain (1989).
272.
Gustavus Adolphus, king of Sweden (r. 1611–1632).
273.
In the Scottish Jacobite ballad ‘Charlie is my darling,’ Charles Edward Stuart (‘Bonnie Prince Charlie,’ 1720–1788) was called ‘the young Chevalier.’ See Dunn (1893: 49).
274.
Sir George Russell Clerk (1801–1889), ‘a patriarch of Indian statesmanship…who…held numerous offices of the highest importance,—among others, those of Joint Secretary of the Board of Control, Governor of Bombay, and Member of the Indian Council,—and…always consistently upheld the faith of Treaties and the fair treatment of our protected Allies as the true safeguards of our Indian Empire.’ See Fraser (1885: 242). His son Captain Claude Clerk published an important geographical work on Persia, Khorasan and Afghanistan. See Clerk (1861).
275.
A reference to Tipu Sultan’s defeat of Gen. Richard Matthews and his capture in 1783 at the Battle of Bednore in the Second Anglo-Mysore War. See e.g. Maclean (1889: 33).
276.
Mohammad Shah.
277.
Mohammad Shah.
278.
Mohammad Shah.
279.
The military struggle was yet another assault on Sulaymaniyah for the purpose of ensuring the installation of a pro-Persian Kurdish amir there. As Sykes (1915/2: 439) observed, problems flared up when, ‘In 1842 the Kurdish Vali of Ardelan [Reza Qoli Khan; cf. 15.88] collected his horsemen to support a dismissed Pasha of Sulaymania, whose case the Persian Government had taken up with slight success, and to meet this force Turkish troops assembled on their side of the frontier. A Kurdish detachment was sent to occupy a defile in rear of the Turkish position, but the manœuvre was rendered unavailing by the defeat of the Vali of Ardelan. The matter was misrepresented at Teheran; the Shah gave orders for an army to be assembled, and an outbreak of hostilities appeared to be imminent.’ Cf. Watson (1866: 336). As August von Jochmus observed to Lord Ponsonby in a letter drafted on 16 July 1842 at Büyükdere and sent to him in London, ‘Riza Pasha… .has had to fight the Persians who surprised Sulimanieh. Sarim Effendi says that the Turks have driven the Persians out again from Sulimanieh with great slaughter. This news was known here [Constantinople] since about 10 or 12 days, but only vaguely. More serious intelligence, however, has been received a week ago from Tabriz and Teheran via Trebizonde. It would appear that the court of Teheran is not unconnected with the proceedings of the Persian Commander who surprised Sulimanieh, but that on the contrary the Shah is prepared to declare war, if the Porte does not immediately settle the long pending questions about certain boundaries of the Pashalic of Bagdad towards Persia, and also about a reimbursement of about 3 millions of dollars, claimed by the court of Teheran as indemnity for damages caused by incursions of Turks on Persian ground in the Southern provinces of that Empire.’ See Thomas (1883: 68).
280.
Mohammad Shah.
281.
As Watson (1866: 336) noted, following the defeat of Reza Qoli Khan, Vali of Ardalan, Mohammad Shah ‘ordered that all Persian merchants should forthwith quit the dominions of the Sultan.’ Cf. Volodarsky (1985: 130), ‘Both sides were prepared for action and declared partial mobilisation in their border areas in 1842. The Shah’s government recommended all Persian subjects on Ottoman territory to leave it without delay, and assembled troops in Hamadan.’
282.
According to von Jochmus, writing to Lord Ponsonby in London from Büyükdere on 16 July 1842, ‘Mirza Djafer Khan, the Persian Ambassador, having left Constantinople several months ago [March 1842], the Persian Consul informed the merchants of his nation some days ago that they had to liquidate their affairs, and to quit Turkey in the course of two months. He read to them an order from his Government to that effect, stating that it was a copy communicated to him via Trebizonde, but that he expected to receive the original without delay. As the Persians are traders to a considerable extent in this place, this news has produced great alarm at the exchange of Galata. The Persians owe from what Mr. Consul Sandisson of Brussa told me, about 16,000,000 piasters to Greek merchants alone.’ See Thomas (1883: 68).
283.
The letter to Ponsonby continued, ‘The Porte has ordered Rustem Pasha of the Guards to leave Constantinople with 2 regiments of Infantry, 2 regiments of Cavalry and 1 battery of 12 pieces Artillery. His destination is said to be Diarbekir, Mossoul, or Bagdad, according to circumstances.’ See Thomas (1883: 68).
284.
Mohammad Shah.
285.
Hamadan.
286.
Hafez Pasha. Ainsworth (1842: 214) called him ‘a Circassian; a man with few prejudices, too kind a heart for the people he has to deal with, and favourable to reform and amelioration.’
287.
Reza Qoli Khan, Vali of Ardalan. See Busse (1972: 246); Ateş (2013: 62). For the campaign cf. 15.86.
288.
As Longrigg (1925: 287) noted, ‘Till 1834 a Persian garrison remained in Sulaimaniyyah. Thereafter, in an Indian summer of the Babans (which shone, however, on little outside their capital), imposing regiments were raised on the new model. This belated yet remarkable attempt at a modern army was continued by Aḥmad Pasha, whose rule was broken for a year in 1840 by a return of Maḥmud Pasha, his uncle. The Persian army which restored this veteran raised a diplomatic storm by its invasion of soil claimed as Ottoman; the Shah himself was said to be party to it, with designs on more than Kurdistan; and, with the retirement of the Persians, Aḥmad again assumed the Baban government. In 1842 his deep and doubtful commitment in frontier quarrels led to his removal to Baghdad. Qadir Pasha, grandson of the founder of Sulaimaniyyah, was to succeed; ‘Abdullah, brother of Aḥmad, disputed his entry; and a Persian invasion, designed to restore Maḥmud, failed by the opposition of ‘Abdullah, who remained as ruler till Aḥmad returned on a change of pashas in Baghdad.’ Cf. Watson (1866: 335–336).
289.
Mohammad Shah.
290.
This appears to have been a rumor. Volodarsky (1985) mentions no such initiative, and it cannot refer to Allah Yar Khan Asaf od-Doula, governor of Khorasan, who was exiled in 1847. Cf. 15.154. It may be a reference to Solayman Khan-e Qajar Qoyunlu. Cf. 15.46.
291.
Mohammad Shah.
292.
Mohammad Shah.
293.
Von Jochmus wrote from Büyükdere to Lord Ponsonby on 16 August 1842 (Thomas 1883: 69), ‘Baron Behr [Count Désiré Behr, the Belgian ambassador] read to me on the 23 ultimo [July] a dispatch, which he had addressed some days before to his Government on the hostile differences between Persia and Turkey. The Baron, who told me that Baron Stürmer and other diplomatists here are of a similar opinion, comes to the conclusion that there exist strong grounds to admit that war may be avoided, thro’ the mediation of Russia and Great Britain. He shows in his dispatch further that in all probability Russia will derive the principal credit from these negotiations, and augment thereby her powerful influence in Persia and Turkey.’ Further, Jochmus noted (Thomas 1883: 70), ‘There has been some talk in Pera of the Grand Visir going to be appointed Serasker against Persia, but this idea seems again to be dropped for the present, nor have any more troops left Constantinople for the Persian frontier since I last wrote to Your Lordship. The Shah, however, by the latest news from Trebizonde is still represented as very irritated against Turkey, but as yet there is no question of military preparations on a very extensive scale. I believe that the two principal reasons which induce the Turkish Government not to break, if possible, with Persia, are the present situation of Syria and the necessary measure of precaution lately adopted to concentrate about 20,000 men in the neighbourhood of Monastir, with a view to check the secret manoeuvres of the Gallo-Hellenic Propaganda.’ Cf. Lane-Poole (1888/2: 121–122), ‘The two Mohammedan States [Turkey, Persia] were in imminent danger of war in June 1842, when the Persian Foreign Minister requested Canning to use his good offices in obtaining a reasonable settlement of the various matters in dispute… .Russia was the acknowledged mediator in Turco-Persian affairs, and therefore my first step towards the prevention of war was the establishment of a concurrent action with the Russian envoy, M. Buteniev. I found but little difficulty in persuading him to accept my cooperation, and together we went to Sarim Efendi [the Foreign Secretary] for the purpose of diverting him from the adoption of any precipitate measure, and of engaging him rather to look to us for a joint and friendly mediation… .We lost no time in communicating with our respective colleagues in Teheran, and they were not backward in seconding our plan of procedure.’
294.
Mohammad Shah.
295.
Sir Stratford Canning (1786–1880). Cf. 9.113.
296.
Mohammad Shah.
297.
Mohammad Shah.
298.
Possibly Selim Bey or his successor. See Anonymous (1842c).
299.
Richard William Brant, appointed in 1829, served until his death in 1856. See Anonymous (1857e: 85).
300.
Mohammad Shah.
301.
Cf. 15.86.
302.
Abdulmejid I (r. 1839–1861).
303.
Possibly Darreh Kuleh near Sanandaj in Iranian Kurdistan.
304.
Bahman Mirza (d. 1883/4), fourth son of ‘Abbas Mirza, Governor in turn of Tehran, Hamadan and Azerbaijan. For his life see Navā’ī 1988/2011. Cf. 15.158.
305.
Abdulmejid I.
306.
Presumably Nuri Efendi. Cf. 15.109.
307.
Mohammad Shah.
308.
As Volodarsky (1985: 129) noted, ‘In 1839, the new Sultan, Abdul Madjid (1839–1861), who succeeded Sultan Mahmud (1808–1839), made an attempt to solve the conflict by peaceful means. He offered to Pay Persia the sum of 500,000 tomans as compensation for damages, but Tehran demanded 2.5 million tomans and the negotiations came to an end.’
309.
Abdulmejid I.
310.
What is meant here by an ambassador of Rome is unclear. It could be a confusion with diplomatic representatives of Naples or the Two Sicilies.
311.
Sir Stratford Canning.
312.
Mohammad Shah.
313.
Gürcü Mehemet Necip Pasha (d. 1851). As Foley (2009: 233) noted, ‘He was of a prominent family in Istanbul of Georgian origin who was promoted quickly in the Ottoman administrative and military bureaucracy. He served as the superintendent for the Ottoman army’s armaments; he was also an army official in the Morea during the Greek rebellion and a financial advisor to the commander of the Ottoman army.’ On the episode see Cole and Momen (1986: 126), who observed, ‘In September 1842 a new viceroy of Iraq arrived in Baghdad, Muhammad Naji (Mehmet Necip) Pasha. This official—former minister of justice, a staunch conservative and Ottoman chauvinist with intimate ties to he new emperor, Abdülmecid—had opposed the forms for giving too much away to minorities.’ As Litvak (2010/2012) noted, ‘In 1842 there were 14 gangs in Karbala, amounting to 2000–2500 men, which extracted protection money from residents and pilgrims… .In 1843, the new Ottoman governor, Najib Pāšā, was determined to subdue Karbala as part of the centralizing reform (tanzimāt) policy. When the gangs refused to accept an Ottoman garrison, Najib Pāšā took the city by force after a harsh siege, killing about 5000 people and desecrating the shrines.’
314.
A son of Mirza Taqi of Tabriz, Mirza Ja‘far had been one of the second group of students sent to England in 1815 by ‘Abbas Mirza in order to study engineering. He attended the Royal Military Academy in Woolwich and is known in the literature by a plethora of names: Mirza Sayed Ja‘far, Mirza Sayed Ja‘far Moshir al-Dowleh, Mirza Ja‘far Moshir al-Dowleh, Mirza Jafar Mohandes Bashi, Mohandes Bashi, Reza Khan Mohandes, Mirza Reza Mohandes et al. See Hassan Pour (2014: 4, n. 6). At the time he was in his twenties. See Atai (1992: 22–23). When the Russians occupied Tabriz at the end of the Second Russo-Persian War in 1827 one (or both) of the palaces of ‘Abbas Mirza was looted. See Anonymous (1828a: 216). According to Anonymous (1828b: 232), ‘Mirza Jaffer, one of the young men sent by the prince to be educated in England, had been active during the pillage: property to a large amount was found in his house.’ For ‘Abbas Mirza’s palaces at Tabriz see Werner (2000: 79–81). Curzon (1854: 53) described Mirza Ja‘far Khan as ‘an old acquaintance of mine when he was ambassador from Persia to the Porte.’ Loftus (1857: 3) noted that, during the boundary negotiations, Mirza Ja‘far Khan ‘soon endeared himself to the members of the various parties by his obliging manners and many acts of kindness and attention.’ Before William Kennett Loftus set out for his archaeological investigations at Susa in Khuzestan, Mirza Ja‘far Khan provided him with letters of introduction to ‘the authorities at Shúster and Dizfúl—the two great Persian cities in the plains of Arábistán. Mírza Jáfér Khán likewise sent one of his own gholáms to guide, and to ensure us a certain degree of respect from his countrymen.’ He also gave Loftus ‘letters to the chief of all the Feylí Lúrs .’ See Loftus (1857: 287–288, 357–358). As Ateş (2013: 146) noted, Mirza Jaf‘ar Khan’s own account of his work on the boundary offers a ‘detailed defense of Iranian claims…mainly concerned with the topography of rivers, mountains, hills, valleys, and settlements. Understandably devoting many pages to show why, in geographical and historical terms, the disputed districts belonged to Iran, he also provided productive ethnographic and historical data on borderland communities.’ For Mirza Ja‘far Khan’s later efforts in brokering a secret agreement with Russia see 1846.11.
315.
This refers to the negotiations of the Turco-Persian Boundary Commission, not to a peace treaty between Turkey and Persia. As Curzon (1854: v-vi) noted, ‘a conference was appointed at Erzeroom, where a Turkish plenipotentiary, Noori Effendi; a Persian plenipotentiary, Merza Jaffer Khan; a Russian commissioner, Colonel Dainese; and an English commissioner, Colonel Williams, of the Royal Artillery, were to meet, each with a numerous suite, to discuss the position of the boundary, and to check the border incursions of the Koordish tribes… .The plenipotentiaries on the part of Turkey and Persia and the English and Russian commissioners entered upon their arduous task at the beginning of the year 1842… .At length, in June, 1847, a treaty was signed.’ When Noori [Nuri] Efendi died suddenly, he was replaced by his secretary, Enveri Efendi. For the work of the Boundary Commission see also Volodarsky (1985: 131–132); Kashani-Sabet (1997); Sharifi-Yazdi (2007); Schofield (2008); and Ateş (2013).
316.
Cf. 15.94.
317.
Mohammad Shah. Another reference to the ongoing Turco-Persian Boundary negotiations.
318.
Alexander Friedrich Graf von Medem. Cf. 14.145.
319.
Prince Dmitry Ivanovich Dolgorukov (1797–1867). Cf. 14.149.
320.
Mohammad Shah.
321.
Cf. 15.109 and Curzon (1854).
322.
No such treaty was negotiated in 1845.
323.
Cf. 14.153.
324.
Mohammad Shah.
325.
A false rumor. Mohammad Shah died on 4 September 1848. See Anonymous (1873a: 717).
326.
Mohammad Shah.
327.
Naser al-Din Mirza Na’eb os-Saltana. Cf. 14.53.
328.
Haji Mirza Aqasi.
329.
Mirza Ja‘far Khan. For his participation in the Turco-Persian boundary negotiations see 15.109. Nesselrode did not want to arouse British fears of growing Russian influence over Persia by having Mirza Ja‘far Khan make an appearance in St. Petersburg. Thus, he preferred a private agreement between Count Mikhail Semyonovich Vorontsov [1782–1856], Governor-General of the Caucasian Provinces (appointed in 1845 as Neidhardt’s replacement; see Baddeley (1908: 386); on his positive influence on the city plan of Tiflis, promoting education, constructing a theater and public library, see Suny (1994: 93)), and the Persian ambassador. On the other hand, Haji Mirza Aqasi was keen to grant Russia concessions, most of which they already enjoyed, in order to smooth the eventual succession of Mohammad Shah’s son, Naser al-Din Mirza. According to Anonymous (1846a), ‘Die unerwartete Zurückkunft Mirza-Djafar-Khan’s—außerordentlichen Botschafters des persischen Hofes, der, nachdem er einige Monate zu Tiflis bei dem Grafen Woronzow [Vorontsov], der ihn mit Höflichkeiten und Geschenken überhäufte, verweilt, nicht für angemessen hielt, die Reise nach St. Petersburg fortzusetzen—hat zu Teheran Sensation gemacht, und zwar mehr noch bei den Europäern, als unter den Personen, welche dem Hofe nahe stehen. Man vernimmt, daß, während der persische Diplomat sich in der Hauptstadt von Georgien aufhielt, Graf Woronzow Depeschen vom Grafen Nesselrode, aus Italien empfing, deren Inhalt ihn bevollmächtigte, eine geheime Uebereinkunft mit Persien bezüglich auf gewisse gegenseitige Concessionen abzuschließen. Es scheint gewiß, daß man abseiten des russischen Cabinets, um nicht England’s Eifersucht zu wecken, dem persischen Gesandten durch den Grafen Woronzow hat eröffnen lassen, sein Erscheinen zu St. Petersburg werde nicht gewünscht. Statt eines förmlichen Tractats wurde darauf hin nur eine einfache Convention zwischen dem Gesandten und dem Grafen Woronzow verabredet. Gewiß ist, daß noch vor Mirza Djafar Khan’s Heimkehr nach Teheran die Russen bereits in Besitz der ihnen durch die Convention eingeräumten Vortheile getreten sind. Der Bau maritimer Vorrathshäuser in den persischen Häfen am caspischen Meere hat begonnen. Die russische Marine, die früherhin ihre Kriegsschiffe nur während des Sommers zu Retsch (Enzeli ) und Astrabad stationiren ließ, wird nun diese Häfen dauernd besetzt halten. Zwischen Retsch und Teheran haben die Russen eine Linie befestigter Karavanserais angelegt, deren Zweck, nach ihrem Vorgeben, einzig für den Schutz ihres Handels berechnet ist. Auf den beiden Hochstraßen, die von Gelan und Masenderan in’s Innere von Persien führen, begegnet man auf jeder Station russischer Infanterie und den Lanzen der Kosaken vom Don; die Eingebornen werden von diesem Kriegsvolk mit einer Brutalität behandelt, als seyen die persischen Provinzen bereits russisches Eigenthum geworden. Mit dem ersten Dampfboot werden von Astrachan aus russische Bergleute zu Astrabad erwartet; die russische Regierung läßt nemlich die reichen Kohlengruben, und Kupfer- und Bleiminen in Masenderan auf ihre Kosten bauen. Als es bekannt wurde, das in Folge der Convention von Tiflis alle russische Deserteare auf persischem Gebiet nach den Ufern des Araxes gebracht werden sollten, gelang es einem Theile dieser unglücklichen Leute, auf türkisches Territorium zu entkommen. Die meisten dieser Ueberläufer waren zu Tabriz; viele derselben dienten unter der persischen Fahne. Der Sirdar von Tabriz soll den Ausreißern zu ihrer Flucht behülflich gewesen seyn. Die persische Regierung hat sich auch verhindlich gemacht, die armenischen und tartarischen Familien, welche seit einigen Jahren aus dem russischen Armenien in die persische Provinz Aserbeidan eingewandert sind, auszuweisen und nach ihrer Heimath zurück zu liefern. Zu allen diesen Concessionen hat sich der alte Wesir Hadji Mirza Agassi verstanden, weil er besorgt, nach dem Tod des schwachen Schah’s Mohammed (Sohn Abbas Mirza’s, geb. 1805, an der Regierun seit 1835, wo er seinem Großvater Feth Ali folgte) dürften Unruhen in Persien ausbrechen. Durch die Convention von Tiflis verbindet sich Rußland dem Sohne des Schah’s, einem sechszehnjährigen Idioten, die Nachfolge auf dem persischen Thron zu verbürgen. Russische Truppen, am Araxes aufgestellt, halten sich bereit, eintretenden Falls jede Bewegung der Kronprätendenten (an welchen es in Persien nie fehlt) im Eintstehen zu unterdrücken.’ Mirza Ja‘far Khan’s expected journey to St. Petersburg to negotiate the concessions described above was reported in de Mars (1846: 962).
330.
Ernest Cloquet (1818–1855). Originally appointed by Mohammad Shah, Cloquet continued to serve under his son and successor, Naser al-Din Shah, who instructed Cloquet to provide medical training to several Persian doctors (Mahdavi 2005: 174). For his life see Dequevauviller (1856); Larrey (1856). Floor (2004: 169, n. 10) noted that he was paid 35,000 francs annually by Mohammad Shah and was probably ‘asked to remain as personal physician [to Naser al-Din Shah] because he had been able to cure the mother and sister’ of the new ruler. During his first trip to Europe, in 1873, Naser al-Din Shah met Cloquet’s uncle, Jules Cloquet and said of his unfortunate and accidental death in 1855 that, ‘of himself by night inadvertently at Tehrān drank some (tincture of) cantharides in lieu of wine, and died (in consequence).’ See Redhouse (1874: 238). Hommaire de Hell (1856: 125–126), who had met him ‘dans un salon parisien en 1844,’ saw him again in Tehran on 14 February 1848 and called him ‘un homme spirituel et distingué, bien digne d’occuper le haut poste de premier médecin en chef à la cour de Téhéran, auquel il a été appelé depuis le départ du docteur Labat. Il porte sa plaque de grand officier de l’ordre du Lion et du Soleil, et vient d’être nommé chevalier de la Légion d’honneur.’
331.
Mohammad Shah.
332.
One of the French packet steamers ‘établi pour effectuer le transport des correspondances et des voyageurs, entre Marseille et les ports d’Italie et du Levant.’ See Bajot and Poirré (1837: 623).
333.
Nicholas I.
334.
Mohammad Shah.
335.
Bandar-e Anzali.
336.
As Andreeva (2018: 78) noted, ‘The Russian Battalion included a significant contingent of Polish soldiers: after the defeat of Napoleon, the Poles who had served in his army were sent for lifelong service to the faraway garrisons in Siberia and the Caucasus. They deserted to Iran mainly for political reasons.’ According to Cronin (2012: 155), the Polish officers who returned to the Russian empire in 1839 were permitted to return to Poland.
337.
Naser al-Din Mirza Na’e os-Saltana.
338.
The substance of this article, albeit in English rather than German, is very close to much of what is contained in Anonymous (1846a). The son of Fath ‘Ali Shah referred to here is presumably Hasan ‘Ali Mirza who was in Tabriz at the time of Mohammad Shah’s death. See Amanat (2008: 90).
339.
Col. Justin Sheil. Cf. 14.145.
340.
Haji Mirza Aqasi.
341.
Cf. 15.125, 15.138. For the long, drawn-out negotiations over the status of Mohammarah, see Ateş (2013: 130–134). Rawlinson’s 1844 internal government Memorandum on the Dispute between Turkey and Persia regarding Mohamerah and the Political Position of the Chaab Tribe was used extensively in Lorimer (1915: 1646ff). Lorimer noted that ‘at the beginning of the discussions which resulted in the Second Treaty of Erzeroum (1847), the British authorities favoured the Turkish claim to Muhammareh. They may have been unconscioiusly influenced by the fact that Russia supported the claim of Persia, who had recently shown itself (1836–41) submissive to Russian influence and unfriendly to Britain. The ultimate adherence of Britain to the Persian view regarding Muhammareh was regarded by Layard, at least (see his Early Adventures, Volume II, page 437), as an unworthy concession to Russia.’ See Lorimer (1915: 1667–1668, n. *). Lorimer was dismissive of Rawlinson’s attempt to justify the Turkish claim on historical grounds, for which see Rawlinson (1857) and Layard (1887: 434–436). Loftus (1857: 284) described how the demarcation of the border at Mohammarah nearly collapsed when Mirza Ja‘far Khan ‘instigated Sheikh Ja’ber to raise the Persian flag upon the walls of Mohammerah’ in defiance of the Turkish commissioner, Dervish Pasha, who ‘was content to deliver up the town, but not an inch of the surrounding territory… .Fortunately, European counsel was listened to; the obnoxious flag was removed, the point at issue referred to the four governments for decision, and it was ultimately resolved that a careful survey should be taken of the whole frontier line, and that all disputed questions should be left for future discussion.’
342.
Turkish sançak. Sub-district of a vilayet (province) in the Ottoman empire. For the ‘Sandjak de Suléimanièh,’ see Cuinet (1894: 866–867).
343.
Although principally concerned with the more remote past, Billerbeck (1898: 1–6) offers an excellent overview of the geographical limits of the region. For an earlier account see Rich (1836).
344.
A reference to Sunnis, in this case Turkey.
345.
A reference to Shi‘a, in this case Iran.
346.
Mohammad Shah.
347.
As Ferrier (1858: 393–394) recorded, ‘at the close of 1846 he sent Akhood Zadeh [Akundzadeh] Azim as ambassador to the Shah of Persia to conclude an alliance offensive and defensive with that monarch; his father-in-law Yar Mohamed Khan, followed his example, and also sent an agent to Teheran for the same purpose. These two chiefs wrote a joint letter to Mohamed Shah in the most pressing terms, showing him how the English were carrying their conquests along the whole course of the Indus, and were ready to enter Afghanistan; the missive concluded in these words: “If your majesty hesitates to take part in the war with us against the English, Allah will require you to account for the neglect with which you allow the faithful to be swept away by the infidels.” The Shah of Persia, without granting the assistance demanded of him, was nevertheless quite inclined to join the projected alliance. The envoys of Herat and Kabul were well received, and received richly jewelled swords and decorations were sent to Dost Muhammad, Akbar Khan, and such of their brothers, uncles, and other serdars in the principality as were favourable to the cause.’ Cf. Sykes (1940/2: 63).
348.
Mohammad Shah.
349.
Mohammad Shah.
350.
Cf. 15.111.
351.
Mohammad Shah.
352.
Pierre Auguste Léon Labat (1803–1847), known as Mirza Labat Khan. See Louandre and Bourquelot (1848: 484). Describing Labat’s entry into the Shah’s service, Serena (1883: 139–140) wrote, ‘C’était en 1842, lorsque celui-ci, se trouvant à Astrakhan pendant une tournée médico-chirurgicale qu’il faisait en Russie, fut appelé à Téhéran par le grand vizir Hadji Mirza Aghassy…Le Shah, atteint d’une goutte héréditaire dans sa famille, perclus depuis vingt ans, semblait devoir succomber à ses maux… .Au moment où arriva le docteur Labat, au milieu de l’assemblée brillante et nombreuse qui entourait continuellement le Shah, il chercha le monarque qui l’avait fait appeler. Ne le distinguant pas, il interrogea les regards des assistants. Il les vit fixés vers un même point. S’approchant alors, il aperçut, accroupie dans un coin, une forme hirsute dont les yeux brillaient d’un éclat métallique. C’était Méhémet, le tout-puissant Shahynshah de Perse. Le haut de son corps formait une masse inerte; ses genoux étaient ankylosés par la maladie, ses mains et ses bras déformés par des gonflements goutteux. Tous tremblaient autour du malade. On redoutait un pli de son front, car, fréquemment, lorsque ses traits étaient contractés par la souffrance, il ordonnait un supplice ou une exécution. Aussi l’étonnement fut-il indescriptible quand le docteur s’approcha sans crainte et sans même éprouver la moindre gêne, au milieu de tous les courtisans humblement prosternés. Il n’avait pas l’air de se douter qu’il se trouvait devant celui qu’on ne regardait qu’avec effroi. Au lieu d’incliner la tête suivant la coutume, en faisant glisser la main droite le long de la hanche jusqu’au genou, il touchait sans façon les membres raidis et endoloris qu’il cherchait à lubrifier, par le mouvement des jointures immobiles. Après un minutieux examen, il ordonna un traitement qui devait soulager le malade. Aussitôt, tous les assitants se confondirent en salutations, et se mirent en mouvement pour exécuter ses ordres. Pendant ce temps, le docteur se promenait curieusement autour de la salle, comme il l’eût fait dans un musée, examinant les bibelots qui l’ornaient, et interrompant son examen seulement pour s’assurer si ses prescriptions étaient bien suivies. .Le Shah le regardait de son coin, et, frappé de cette assurance, qu’il trouvait noble au milieu de tant de serviles hommages, il s’écria à plusieurs reprises: “Chir est! C’est un lion!” Se sentant mieux, quelques jours après, il dit avec une chaleureuse conviction: “S’il m’ordonnait du poison, je le prendrais, persuadé que ce serait pour ma guérison.” Elle fut si complète, qu’après ce traitement, Méhémet put reprendre les exercices les plus violents: l’équitation, la chasse, etc. Le docteur Labat resta deux ans à Téhéran, à la grande satisfaction du Shah, qui lui conféra le titre de Khan. Mais, sa santé, fortement ébranlée, l’obligea à revenir en Europe. Étant allé faire ses adieux à Méhémet-Shah, celui-ci put à peine reconnaître, soutenu par des ferrach, cet homme qu’il avait appelé “Lion.”’ This account came straight from Labat’s widow who married an Italian military instructor employed by Mohammad Shah and remained in Iran after her husband’s death. As Polak (1865: 210) noted, ‘Der Leibarzt des Mehmed Schah war ein Franzose, Dr. Labat Chan; er wußte den schwachen gichtkranken König beinahe ganz zu beherrschen, starb aber schon zwei Jahre nach Antritt seiner Stellung an Leberabsceß.’ Mahdavi (2005: 173) noted, ‘Dr. Labat…although French, was recruited in Russia whilst they were searching for a doctor from France. It was thought that Dr. Labat, in spite of his nationality, had the interest of Russia at heart, was in the pay of the Russian Embassy and even suspected of being a Russian spy.’ Earlier, Labat had been Mehemet ‘Ali Pasha’s doctor in Egypt. See Labat (1839).
353.
Mohammad Shah.
354.
Haji Mirza Aqasi. See Serena (1883: 139).
355.
Gout.
356.
Louis-Philippe I (r. 1830–1848).
357.
Dost Mohammad Khan’s son. Cf. 15.79.
358.
Mohammad Shah.
359.
Russia.
360.
Mohammad Shah.
361.
Mirza Mohammad ‘Ali Khan. The well-known and hugely experienced Persian envoy Mirza Abu’l Hasan Khan would have gone to Paris had he not died in 1845. See Mousavi (2021: 158). For the impression he made upon arriving in Paris see Anonymous (1847a). As Hommaire de Hell (1856: 129) noted, ‘au commencement de l’année dernière, le Schah envoya un ambassadeur en France, malgré les intrigues auxquelles eurent recours les missions d’Angleterre et de Russie pour empêcher cette importante démarche de la part de la Perse. Mirza-Méhémet-Ali-Khan, choisi pour cette mission, fut successivement retenu à Tauris, à Erzeroum, à Trébizonde et à Constantinople, par suite des tracasseries que lui suscitèrent tous les agents consulaires qu’il trouva sur son passage.’ Guizot (1865: 224–225) wrote, ‘The Persian ambassador, Mirza Mehemmed Ali Khan, was an insignificant courtier, despatched to France by the Shah, his master, more from vanity than any serious design, perhaps to satisfy some intrigue or rivalship of the Court of Teheran. His presence in Paris, and his conversation, served only to confirm the idea I had already conceived of the state of decline and sterile anarchy into which Persia had for a long time fallen.’ Complaining that the French cabinet was ineffectual, one writer complained, ‘Et, pendant que les plus vives anxiétés pénètrent toutes les existences, que fait le ministère pour rassurer le pays? Le ministère fait saisir les journaux qui s’avisent de calonier ses vertus, et il envoie dépêche sur dépêche aux autorités de Toulon, pour régler le cérémonial de la réception qui doit être faite à l’ambassadeur persan, incessamment attendu dans ce port. Le ministère compte beaucoup sur l’arrivée du diplomate oriental, pour détourner les esprits des préoccupation qui les dominent. Aussi a-t-il décidé, dans sa sagesse, que l’envoyé de Téhéran recevrait, en débarquant, les honneurs accordées, par le décret du 24 messidor an XII, aux maréchaux de France hors de leur commandement. Aussitôt que le navire à bord duquel le mahométan se rend en France aura jeté l’ancre dans la rade, il sera salué de onze coups de canon; un escadron de cavalerie attendra l’ambassadeur sur le quai; la garnison prendra les armes et sera rangée en bataille sur les places publiques qu’il devra parcourir pour se rendre à son hôtel; les officiers inclineront leur épée, et les drapeaux salueront; une garde de cinquante hommes lui sera donnée; elle prendra les armes et les tambours aux champs, chaque fois qu’il jugera convenable d’entrer ou de sortir; enfin, tous les corps de la garnison lui feront des visites en grande tenue. Telles sont les instructions détaillées que le cabinet vient de transmettre au préfet maritime et au commandant militaire de Toulon. Et qu’on dise ensuite que ce cabinet phénoménal s’occupe d’autre chose que des grands intérêts de l’État! O misère!’ See Nicolas (1847: 264–265).
362.
Mohammad Shah.
363.
Cf. 15.134. As Recoing (1884: 120) noted, ‘L’arrivée des Russes sur les frontières de l’Inde n’est plus qu’une question de temps; Sarrachs [Sarakhs] et Merv sont entre leurs mains. La route d’Hérat à Candahar, qui se prolonge par la passe de Bolan sur Shirkapour, est devenue leur objectif, depuis qu’ils ont reconnu l’impossibilité de franchir le Pamir et l’Indou-Kouch avec une voie ferrée.’
364.
Cf. 13.40, 13.67, 13.70, 13.72, 15.75.
365.
Henry Wellesley, first Earl Cowley (1804–1884), Minister Plenipotentiary to the Ottoman Porte (1845–1851). Cf. Fouquier (1848: 502), ‘Lord Cowley eut la plus grande part dans la solution de cette importante affaire (21 mars). Jusqu’au dernier moment, le sultan éprouvait la plus grande répugnance à signer la cession de Mohammara à la Perse. La nouvelle des événements de Paris put seule triompher de ses dispositions. Il devenait très-important pour la Porte d’être libre de ses mouvements et d’éviter toute chance de complication avec la Perse. Les ratifications du traité furent donc échangées sur les basses proposées dans la conférence d’Erzeroum.’ In addition to this, Lord Cowley was instrumental in procuring ‘from the Turkish Government an imperial decree, recognising native Protestants as constituting a separate and independent community in Turkey,’ which secured placed the Protestant Armenians ‘on the same footing with all the other Christian communities in the empire.’ See Dwight (1854: 291).
366.
As Leconte (1847: 398) noted, ‘Si la ministère du commerce a l’intention de s’occuper d’ouvrir des débouchés en Perse, il faudra, au préalable, y faire un traité de commerce. J’ai, du reste, entendu dire que M. le comte de Sartiges, résidant à Téhéran, s’en était déjà occupé.’ Cf. 15.147. According to Anonymous (1847b: 173), ‘Déjà notre consul à Téhéran, M. le comte de Sartiges, nous avait préparé les voies: l’ambassade persane dont nous avons raconté dernièrement la réception solennelle, à Toulon et à Marseille d’abord, puis aux châteaux de Saint-Cloud et de Compiègne, enfin le traité de commerce et de navigation qu’on publié tous les journaux, achèvent de confirmer toutes les espérances que peuvent concevoir nos intérêts nationaux. La religion, à son tour, à la suite du commerce et de la politique, doit s’applaudir de ces nouvelles relations ouvertes à la France, auprès du gouvernement persan.’ According to Anonymous (1857f: 391), this treaty of commerce was concluded on 24 July 1847, ‘sans réussir toutefois à procurer à son gouvernement une grande influence sur la cour de Téhéran, et dont les événements survenus en France avaient singulièrement diminué la considération de l’importance.’ Thus, the revolution of 1848 appears to have nullified the agreement. The uncertainty over whether this treaty had in fact been signed was described by Hommaire de Hell (1856: 36–37) who wrote, on 30 November 1847, ‘Une question d’actualité, où la France n’est pas étrangère, occupe en ce moment-ci les têtes politiques de Tauris. Il paraît que, dernièrement, les ministres de Russie et d’Angleterre ont demandé au hadji [Haji Mirza Aqasi] s’il était vrai que le Schah eût fait un traité commercial avec la France, et qu’ils en ont reçu une réponse toute négative. Chose bien plus grave, le vizir a déclaré que si l’ambassadeur persan actuellement à Paris s’était permis de conclure un pareil traité, il avait agi contrairement aux ordres et pouvoirs qu’il tenait de son gouvernement. Qu’a dû penser M. de Sartiges, chargé à l’heure qu’il est de soutenir le susdit traité à la cour de Téhéran, lorsqu’il a pris connaissance de cette impertinente déclaration?’ In fact, as Hommaire de Hell (1856: 130) explained, ‘le comte de Sartiges acheva la conclusion du traité qui, arrivé presque en même temps que l’ambassadeur [Mirza Mohammad ‘Ali Khan] à Paris, devait être ratifié au bout de six mois: le comte avait obtenu du hadji un secret complet sur cette alliance commerciale, pour éviter de nouvelles tracasseries de la part des autres puissances; mais notre ministre des affaires étrangères ne s’étant, jusqu’à ce jour, nullement occupé d’envoyer les ratifications, il s’ensuivit que les missions russe et anglaise eurent le temps d’apprendre par la voie des journaux l’existence de cette pièce, et d’adresser de vives interpellations au hadji qui ne sut d’abord que répondre. Il chercha des faux-fuyants, parla d’un firman converti en traité, et, poussé dans ses derniers retranchements, finit par dire que, si le roi Louis-Philippe avait déclaré que la chose existait, il fallait bien que cela fût, car un roi de France ne pouvait dire des mensonges. Voici près de huit mois que cette pièce a été envoyée en France et l’on attend encore ici sa ratification.’ In fact, the combined efforts of the revolution of 1848 in France, and the diplomacy of Russia and Britain, foiled the French attempt to ratify the treaty signed by Sartiges. As Anonymous (1851d: 1130) observed, ‘Une révolution avait changé la forme du gouvernement en France. L’envoyé français à Téhéran sentit immédiatement son autorité amoindrie. Peut-être se crut-il lui-même un peu abandonné de son gouvernement, qui, ayant une ample besogne en Europe, oubliait volontiers les intérêts qui étaient engagés dans cette question lointaine. La Russie et l’Angleterre, sauf à reprendre ensuite le cours de leurs rivalités, s’entendirent pour profiter de l’occasion qui leur était offerte de porter un coup ¡a l’influence française. Elles poussèrent le gouvernement du schah à retarder indéfiniment la ratification du traité de commerce conclu avec la France, En présence de tergiversations sur lesquelles il n’y avait point ¡a se méprendre, et d’ajournemens dont l’intention était évidente, M. de Sartiges crut devoir prendre ses passeports (1849). La politique d’Angleterre et de la Russie avait donc réussi à écarter la France du terrain de leurs luttes. Depuis lors les relations de la France avec la Perse sont interrompues.’ A binding treaty of commerce and friendship between France and Persia was signed on 12 July 1855 ‘par M. Bou[r]ré, envoyé de Napoléon III à Téhéran, et par Mirza-Agha-Khan, premier ministre du schah.’. See Anonymous (1857f: 392); de Clercq and de Clercq (1889: 413). Of Bourré’s mission, Volodarsky (1985: 145) wrote, ‘In 1855 a French mission headed by A. Bourré arrived in Tehran. This was the beginning of permanent Franco-Persian diplomatic relations…The Persians decided, more as a gesture, to conclude a trade agreement with France. The agreement wsa worked out, signed and ratified in record time, two days after signing, contrary to Persian tradition… .The Franco-Persian treaty was formulated so that neither Britain nor Russia had any objections to it. Nesselrode remarked that the above agreement “had no particular political significance nor were its contents in any way contrary to our interests.”’
367.
Louis-Philippe I.
368.
Mohammad Shah.
369.
Mirza Mohammad ‘Ali Khan. Cf. 15.136.
370.
Étienne Gilbert Eugène de Sartiges. Cf. 14.145.
371.
Count Sartiges was appointed ‘envoyé extraordinaire’ on 16 November 1847. See Anonymous (1901: 309). For his role in bringing about the Franco-Persian commercial treaty of 1847 see Mousavi (2021: 156–164).
372.
Mirza Mohammad ‘Ali Khan.
373.
Palais de Compiègne. For the history of this palace see Pellassy de l’Ousle (1862).
374.
Common epithet for China in nineteenth century sources. See e.g. Brewer (1891: 334), ‘Flowery Land (The), or ‘Hwa Kwoh.’ China; meaning the “flower of the world.”’
375.
pad(i)shah, ‘master king.’ For the title see Pfister (1999: 515–517). It passed from Persian into Turkish and was used by Ottoman Sultan, and, by him, only in reference to the Emperor of Austria, the Czar of Russia, and the kings of England and France. See Martens (1854: 13).
376.
Louis-Philippe Albert d’Orléans (1838–1894), Louis-Philippe’s nine year old grandson, Prince Philippe of Orléans, comte de Paris. With the death in 1842 of his father, Prince Ferdinand Philippe, the boy became heir to the French throne. When the American Civil War broke out, he volunteered for service and was assigned as a captain to Gen. George Brinton McClellan’s staff, where he served for a year, later going on to write a history of the Civil War. See Broadwater (2010: 5).
377.
Dmitry Ivanovich Dolgorukov. Cf. 15.111.
378.
Mohammad Shah.
379.
Possibly Newel/Nevel south of St. Petersburg and west of Moscow?
380.
Nicholas I.
381.
Mohammad Shah.
382.
This refers to the unsuccessful plot by Haji Mirza Aqasi to place the exiled Bahman Mirza on the throne. See Navā’i 1988/2011. Cf. 15.158.
383.
Alexandre Edmond de Talleyrand-Périgord, third Duke of Dino (1813–1894). He was actively involved in the first Italian war of independence. See Talleyrand-Périgord (1851).
384.
A false rumor, given the fact that the Count de Sartiges had been named envoy to Persia just a short while earlier. Cf. 15.143.
385.
Mohammad Shah.
386.
Louis-Philippe I.
387.
Mirza Mohammad ‘Ali Khan.
388.
Mohammad Shah.
389.
The rebellion was led by Hasan Khan Salar, the son of Allah Yar Khan. The Salar, ‘general,’ had been thus nicknamed by Fath ‘Ali Shah and ‘described by Colonel Stuart as one of the handsomest men he ever saw.’ See Markham (1874: 488). After his father was deposed, ‘The Sâlâr was left in the government of Khurâsân; but the province fell into disorder, and Ja’afar Kûly Khân, the powerful Chief of Bûjnûrd, rose in revolt.’ See Markham (1874: 490). As Farman Farmayan (1981: 56–57) noted, ‘For many years, since the beginnings of Mohammad Shah’s rule, Allah Yar Khan Asaf od-Dowleh had served as governor of Khorasan. He resided in Sarakhs and enjoyed such a degree of support from the Khorasani, Kurdish, and Turkoman chiefs that he was virtually the autonomous ruler of the province. This was confirmed by the appointment of his son, Hasan Khan Salar, as governor of Khorasan when Asaf od-Dowleh became custodian of the shrines at Mashhad. They thus monopolized the two most powerful offices in Khorasan. However, Asaf od-Dowleh made the mistake of killing one of the Shah’s appointees whom he felt to be infringing on his authority. As a result, he was deprived of his post and sent into exile. His son, Salar, immediately launched a revolt (1847/48) in which he received considerable help from his Turkoman friends. The Shah’s forces repeatedly defeated Salar, but he was able to take refuge with the Turkomans in the desert. The death of Mohammad Shah in 1848 further complicated things. Virtually all Khorasan rose in revolt, and, even with help from the Afghans, Hamza Mirza was unable to bring an end to Salar’s revolt until 1849/50, when Salar was betrayed, captured, and executed.’ Cf. Fayz Mohammad Katib Hazara, who noted that, at the time of Mohammad Shah’s death in September, 1848, ‘Hasan Khan Salar and Ja‘far Quli Khan Kurd, both of whom had been the source of trouble during the late shah’s lifetime, again hoisted the banners of independence and drew the sword of opposition to the governor (walī) of Mashhad, Hamzah Mirza.’ See McChesney (2013: 21). Cf. Amanat (2008: 114).
390.
Foresti intended to travel to India via Baghdad and was there in 1846 to assist the European community during a cholera outbreak. According to Anonymous (1846d), ‘Le consul-général de France, qui, ainsi que le gouverneur de Bagdad et tous les fonctionnaires ottomans, s’était fait un devoir de rester à Bagdad, a été gravement atteint de la maladie régnante, et a dû son salut aux solas du docteur Annibal Foresti, de la faculté de Bologna, venue de Tebriz et se rendant aux Indes par Bagdad. Ce médecin s’est distingué en cette circonstance par sa philanthropie, en donnant gratuitement, et sans distinction de nation, ses soins aux malades.’ On 29 October 1853, according to Anonymous (1853b), Foresti was in The Hague, acting on behalf of the Ottoman government: ‘Man versichert, daß Hr. Hannibal Foresti, der im Auftrage der türkischen Regierung hier eingetroffen, holländische Marine-Offiziere für den türk. Seedienst anwerben solle.’
391.
Naser al-Din Mirza Na’eb of-Saltanat. He was appointed governor of Azerbaijan in January, and succeeded his deceased father as shah in September, 1848. See Amanat (2008: 43–44).
392.
According to Anonymous (1873a: 715), Fath ‘Ali Shah had 158 wives.
393.
Bahman Mirza. Cf. 15.98.
394.
As Sykes (1915/2): noted, ‘Mohamed Shah from boyhood had been a martyr to gout, and when he reached his fortieth year he was attacked by a complication of maladies to which he succumbed.’ Cf. the description of Mohammad Shah when first seen by his doctor, Léon Labat.
395.
Bahman Mirza (d. 1883). One of Mohammad Shah’s full brothers. See Schwartz (1941: 201). Rawlinson (1849: 63) considered Bahman Mirza Russia’s ‘minion…in the Government of Azerbijan,’ and by the time Mohammad Shah died in 1848, he ‘was in honorable exile at Tiflis.’ See Rawlinson (1849: 58). This came about because of a plot to replace the sickly Mohammad Shah with Bahman Mirza, in which he may or may not have participated. See Navā’i 1988/2011. Accused of plotting against Mohammad Shah, Bahman Mirza sought protection in the Russian Embassy in Tehran. From there he and his family went to Tiflis and eventually Shusha in Qarabagh where he lived out the rest of his life as a political exile under Russian protection. See Navā’ī 1988/2011. According to Sheil (1856: 166), ‘Bahman Meerza, the Shah’s [Naser al-Din Shah] uncle, and governor of the valuable province of Azerbijan, took refuge in the Russian Mission. The sequel of this step was his transmission to Russia as the guest of the Emperor, where he now enjoys a large pension; still he pines for Persia and pillao.’ On 18 October 1847 Edward Burgess wrote, ‘The people had heard of the Princes [sic, Prince’s] abrupt departure from Tabreez…with many exagerations [sic], such as that he had been sent for as a state criminal, had run [out of] the country, etc.… .The accounts he had heard of the slanders against him were much exagerated and I believe our [British] government will support him. Few Persian Princes have been so truly the poor man’s friend as Bahman Meerza, and amongst the lower and middle classes his departure is universally deplored.’ In fact, at this time Bahman Mirza was still a fugitive in the Russian embassy. Edward Burgess wrote from Tabriz on 6 May 1848 that, ‘The Prince Bahman Meerza’s affairs have taken a curious turn, it is now arranged that he retires to Russia.’ See Schwartz (1941: 202). Bahman Mirza remained in exile, three years in Tiflis and the rest of the time at Shusha in Qarabag, until his death in 1883. The Austrian traveller Ida Pfeiffer saw him when she passed through Tiflis, noting, ‘He is a remarkably handsome, powerful man of thirty-five; his open eye is expressive of understanding and kindness. He spoke with deep sorrow of his native country… .How fortunate would it be for Persia if this man should mount the throne instead of the Viceroy [Naser al-Din Mirza]!’ See Pfeiffer (1850: 375). His nephew, Naser al-Din Shah, also saw him when passing through Tiflis on his return from Europe in 1873. See Redhouse (1874: 411–412).
396.
Naser al-Din Mirza Na’eb os-Saltanat. Cf. 14.53, 14.207, 15.157, 15.160, 15.161, 15.162, 15.165.
397.
On 4 September 1848. See Anonymous (1873a: 717).
398.
Na’eb os-Saltana, ‘crown prince.’ He was in Tabriz when his father died. Sheil was out of the country but ‘Colonel Farrant sent messengers to Tabreez…to inform him of his father’s death, and held the capital until he should arrive… .On this occasion, several towns seized the opportunity to revolt, and bands of disaffected persons assembled in various parts. The Queen Mother, a woman of great strength of mind, helped materially to crush the insurgents, and place her son firmly on the throne. The young Shah entered Teheran on October 20, 1848, and was crowned on the same day.’ See Piggot (1874: 102). On Farrant cf. 14.213.
399.
Hasan Khan Salar. Cf. 15.154. Watson (1866: 363) considered him ‘the most formidable opponent whom the young Shah had to put down… .On the receipt of the news of the Shah’s death, that chief lost no time in taking position of the city of Meshed, and he forced the governor to take refuge in the citadel.’ Despite assistance from several Afghan chiefs, and his own enormous popularity, the Salar’s cause began to fade when Jafr Qoli Khan switched allegiance to Nasr-ed Din Shah and accepted a pardon. See Watson (1866: 377). Nevertheless it took over 18 months before Mashhad was captured and the Salar was apprehended, after which he was put to death. See Watson (1866: 384).
400.
Allah Yar Khan Qajar Devehlu Asaf od-Doula. Cf. 13.11. As Markham (1874: 488) wrote, ‘He was a man of great ability, of a naturally good disposition, but proud and haughty.’ Deposed by Haji Mirza Aqasi he was ‘recalled to Tehran in March 1847, and sent on a forced pilgrimage to Mekkah. In vain his sister, the Shâh’s mother, interceded, and declared her intention of going with him. The influence of the minister prevailed; and the Prince was ruined, and driven from his country, never to return.’ See Markham (1874: 490).
401.
‘Ali Shah Mirza Zell os-Soltan. Cf. 12.2, 12.71, 13.2, 13.7.
402.
Watson (1866: 286) claimed that, after Mohammad Shah’s accession to the throne, ‘many of Fetteh Ali Shah’s descendants—amongst them the Zil-es-Sultan…were doomed to pass their remaining days at Ardabeel.’ The source of this rumor is unknown but in a review of Watson’s History of Persia to the year 1858, Anonymous (1866a: 359) (written by Henry Willock?) noted, ‘Mr. Watson appears not to know that three of the princes, the Zill-i-Sultán,’ and others, ‘made their escape and were fortunate enough to reach Baghdad.’ By contrast Markham (1874: 473) said that, after Mohammad Mirza and his forces took control of Tehran in 1835 and Mohammad Shah was installed as the new shah, ‘his rivals, the Zil-i-Sultân and Firmân-firmâ were allowed to retire to Khoi and Kerbela, with small pensions.’
403.
The question of communications is important. As Watson (1866: 355–356) noted, ‘The Russian Minister [Prince Dolgorukov], in conjunction with the English chargé d’affaires [Colonel Farrant], had determined to send members of their respective Missions to Tabreez so soon as they should receive intelligence of the demise of the king. But certain persons, whose interest it was to prolong the state of lawlessness which commonly prevaiils immediately after the death of a Persian monarch, had, before the demise of the Shah, begun to assemble in threatening bands on the roads between the palace and the city, with the view of stopping the messengers who should be sent to announce to the hundred and thirty provinces or governments of Persia that the monarch of the land was no more. Under these circumstances, Colonel Farrant, who was then in charge of the English Mission, determined to act upon the medical information he had received to the effect that the king could not possibly survive for many hours; and by thus anticipating the event he enabled his messenger to arrive at Tabreez long before any other courier could reach that town.’
404.
Naser al-Din Mirza Na’eb os-Saltanat.
405.
Keith Edward Abbott (1814–1873). In 1841 Abbott was appointed to the consulate in Tehran, but transferred to Tabriz in 1842. In 1854 he was made Consul in Tabriz, returning as Consul-General after the Anglo-Persian War of 1856–1857. He was named Consul-General of the Russian Ports in the Black Sea and Sea of Azof, based in Odessa, in 1868 and remained there until his death on 28 April 1873. See Bartle Frere (1874: 530).
406.
V. Gusev (d. 1869). He was later posted to the Russian consulate at Astarabad. See Anonymous (1869: 858). In 1860 he acquired a manuscript that later entered the collection of the Russian Academy of Science. See Petrosyan et al. (1995: 323, 328). Gusev was also a more than competent linguist. According to Chanykow (1858: 355), ‘Der eigentliche Masanderan’sche Dialect der persischen Sprache concentrirt sich in dem entlegeneren Ansiedlungen auf dem Gebirge. Gleichzeitig wurden Maßregeln getroffen, um in Uebereinstimmung mit dem Wunsche der Akademie der Wissenschaften durch die Vermittelung des Herrn Gusew, unseres Consuls in Astrabad, der mit den orientalischen Sprachen gut bekannt ist, vollständige Proben der persischen Dialecte zu sammeln, die in den Provinzen Masanderan und Astrabad gesprochen werden.’ Cf. Erman (1859: 109). Discussing the inscriptions on a tower at Radekan which he saw in 1860, Dorn noted, ‘In der Folge (1863) schickte der Russische Consul in Astrabad, Hr. v. Gusev die von mehreren Persischen Mirsa’s beglaubigten Inschriften ein, aber es ist unmöglich etwas daraus zu lesen. Er hat mir nun eine photographische Abnahme dieser, so wie anderer in Sari und Barfurusch befindlichen Inschriften in Aussicht gestellt, welche hoffentlich ausgeführt und den Anforderungen der Entzifferer entsprechen wird.’ See Dorn (1895: 68). Cf. Dorn (1875: 266). For a collection of poems by the Mazandarani writer Emir-e Pasewary, a copy of which was given to Dorn by Gusev, see Dorn (1866).
407.
Richard Whyte Stevens. Cf. 14.213. Stevens’ first appointment was to the British consulate in Gallipoli in February, 1829. See Anonymous (1846e: 5). In 1840 he was named Vice-Consul in Samsun and Consul in Tabriz in 1846. In 1854 he was moved to Tehran and, when the Anglo-Persian War broke out two years later, retired to Baghdad. In 1857 he returned to Tehran but after his wife died there of cholera, he left in 1860. See Hertslet (1865: 149). As Gammer (1991: 174) noted, ‘he was employed in 1843 by Sir Stratford Canning, the omnipotent British Ambassador to the Ottoman Empire, to rescue some slaves from among the Nestorians.’
408.
Bahman Mirza.
409.
Mirza Taqi-ye Farahani, better known as Amir Kabir (1807–1852). For his background and rise to power see Migeod (1990: 11ff). For his importance see Busse (1972: 182ff); Algar (1989/2011); Amanat (2008). Vambéry (1867: 107) wrote of Naser al-Din Shah’s reliance on him, ‘Als 18jähriger Herrscher und dabei noch als ein früher in Zurückgezogenheit und in Furcht lebender Prinz, hätte der junge König die Zügel der Regierung nicht ergreifen und später mit Erfolg handhaben können, wenn ihm nicht ein Mann zur Seite gestanden wäre, wie Mirza Taki Chan, dessen Bekanntschaft er in Tebris gemacht und der ihn imt dem Charakter eines Veziers nach Teheran begleitete. Dieser Mann, der in Redlichkeit, wahrer Liebe zu seinem Lande, seltener Einsicht und Staatsklugheit nicht nur in der Geschichte Persiens, sondern in der neueren Periode des ganzen Ostens unvergleichlich dasteht, hat mit eiserner Hand zum kolossalen Werke der Regeneration Irans gegriffen.’
410.
Abdulmejid I.
411.
‘Ali Shah Mirza Zell os-Soltan.
412.
There may be a confusion with Allah Yar Khan Qajar Devehlu Asaf od-Doula. Cf. 15.160. As Watson (1866: 344–345) noted, after he had been deposed as governor of Khorasan and gone to see Mohammad Shah, ‘At Tehran the sentence of exile awaited him. He was ordered to make the pilgrimage to Mecca, and to reside for his remaining days at Kerbela, in case the journey through the sands of Arabia should not be enough to quench the spark of life which animated his aged body. Thus passed from the scene the former prime minister of Iran, and who was by birth and position the most noble of the nobles of the land.’
413.
As Amanat (2008: 93) noted, Malek Qasem Mirza was pro-British and on very friendly terms with the Europeans, and especially the American missionaries, in Tabriz and Urmia. His appointment therefore came as a relief, particularly considering the fact that the Russians were still harboring Bahman Mirza and countering Russia’s influence was always a British priority.
414.
Naser al-Din Mirza Na’eb os-Saltanat.
415.
Cf. 14.23.
416.
Eugène Boré (1809–1878). On the plan, it was noted, ‘M. Boré et M. [Félix] Scafi, arrivés à Tauris au commencement de novembre 1838, résolurent de passer l’hiver dans cette ville, ayant remarqué que les Anglais, maîtres du pays depuis l’expulsion du général Gardanne, n’avaient rien fait pour la civilisation de la Perse, que les persans, avides d’instruction, étaient passionnés surtout pour la langue française, ils résolurent de fonder à Tauris une petite université. Le but patent de cette école était d’instruire la jeunesse du royaume dans les sciences européennes. Mais le patriotisme éclairé de M. Boré lui faisait entrevoir, dans la réussite de ce projet, la source de nouvelles relations, aussi favorables à la prospérité commerciale de la France, qu’à la civilisation de la Perse. De plus, à l’école projetée il se proposait d’attacher une mission permanente, dans le double but de ressusciter le catholiscisme [sic] en la Perse, où il était florissant il y a deux siècles, et d’annuler l’influence des missionnaires protestans, venus d’Amérique et d’Allemagne pour travailler les populations nestoriennes.’ See Boré (1840a: 275–276). For more on Boré’s life and activities in Iran see Boré (1840b); Poole (1984); O’Flynn (2017: 707–720). In the words of Couderc (1900: 482), ‘l’orientaliste Eugène Boré avait travaillé grandement à augmenter l’influence de la France et préparé l’esprit du Châh à subir l’empreinte de notre civilisation.’
417.
Narcisse Achille, comte de Salvandy (1795–1856). He was Minister of Public Instruction from 15 April 1837 to 31 March 1839, and again from 1 February 1845 to 24 February 1848. See Delalain (1906: 2).
418.
For the Lazarists or Vincentians in Constantinople see Rybolt (2013).
419.
For the history of the Imprimerie Royale see Bernard (1867). For the development of fonts in various ancient and modern Asian languages, see de Guignes (1787).
420.
Mohammad Shah.
421.
Scott (1827).
422.
As Wagner (1856/3: 182–183) noted, after the expulsion of the French Lazarists from Iran, ‘Heavy complaints reached the French Embassy at Constantinople, from the Lazzarists. All the French clergy in the East, supported them with pious zeal, especially the celebrated French author, Eugene Boré… .There were bad complaints of persecution of the Catholics, of affronts to France, and the French Cabinet was openly called upon to interfere in Persia. Count Bourqueney proposed to M. Guizot, to send Count Sartiges, a young attaché, to Teheran, and the French minister assented, as he wished France still to continue the protection of Catholics in the East, and felt the propriety of extending French influence in those parts. M. Goep was sent to Erzeroum, and three months after, Count Sartiges started for Teheran, where he met with a brilliant reception, especially as he brought large presents… .As a rival of Russian and English interests, he was received coolly by Count Medem [the Russian ambassador] and Colonel Shiel [sic, Sheil].’
423.
The students and their intended fields of study were Hoseyn Qoli Agha (artillery, infantry); Mirza Zaki (engineering); Mirza Riza (textiles, sugar refining); Mirza Yahya (medicine); and Mohammad ‘Ali Aqa (mining, agriculture, watch-making, crystal manufacture). Mohammad Shah’s orders stipulated, ‘They should pursue their work and study in Paris. They should not engage in useless activities, go to theaters, or become atheist, may God’s curse be upon the atheists.’ When Mohammad Shah died and Louis Philippe was overthrown in the revolution of 1848, the five were recalled without having completed their studies. See Atai (1992: 57–58).
424.
For the change in French fortunes cf. de Manet (1877: 662–665). Rawlinson (1849: 57–58) was doubtful of French chances, noting, ‘For a short period indeed the Comte de Sartiges held a position at Teheran more favourable, as far as the consideration of the Court was concerned, than that occupied either by the Russian or the British Minister; but a relation of this nature was evidently artificial, and could lead to no permanent result. France had no substantive interests in Persia, for which she could have ventured to put herself in opposition either to Russia or to England; nor, if she had been ever so much disposed in favour of Persian integrity, and had desired to retain the Shah as her own minion, is it very apparent how she could have carried her plans into execution.’
425.
Count de Sartiges.
426.
Alexander Friedrich Graf von Medem.
427.
As O’Flynn (2017: 729), Perkins, Stocking and three Nestorian bishops, including Mar Yohanna, went to Tehran ‘in mid-winter 1843–4 to seek recourse from the law courts and legations at Teheran. The delegation first presented itself to Colonel Justin Sheil (1803–71), chargé d’affaires at the British Legation, who plainly declared his unwillingness to become involved in their claims and disputes… .When, however, the delegation presented its case to the Russian minister, the Graf von Medem immediately launched a campaign against the French missionaries, declaring that the farmān forbidding peoselytism had been flagrantly violated.’
428.
William Leete Stone (1792–1844). Cf. 15.34.
429.
Hall (1883: 56) noted, ‘The compiler of this book heard him, in 1839, deliver a wholesome lecture to the students of Union College on the evils of the use of tobacco.’ Cf. Willson (1863: 275, n. *), who wrote, ‘The late Col. Stone, editor of the Commercial Advertiser of New York city, in one of his lectures against the use of tobacco, describes a sign which was placed upon a store occupied by three brothers, dealers in tobacco. It read as follows: “We three, brothers be, in the same cause;/Jim snuffs, Jo puffs, and I chaws.”’
430.
As Floor (2002: 50) noted, ‘Shah ‘Abbas I (r. 1584–1629)…was opposed to smoking. He therefore had banned the use of tobacco on pain of death and loss of property… .During the Georgian campaign of 1613–15, Shah ‘Abbas I forbade his soldiers to smoke tobacco when he found that they spent much of their pay on the drug. A merchant, unaware of the shah’s ban, tried to sell tobacco to the soldiers and was burned to death at the shah’s orders, together with his tobacco… .In 1628, ‘Abbas was angered when forty camels loaded with tobacco from India arrived in Iran. The shah had recently reimposed a tobacco import ban…of which the camel drivers were ignorant, and so he had their ears and noses cropped.’ This last story comes from Herbert (1634: 119) who wrote, ‘The King of Persia got into Cazbeen [Qazvin] two dayes before us. At this time, forty Camels loaden with Tobacco, out of India, came hither, which Mahomet-Alli-beg the Favorite hearing, acquaints the King with it, who commanded forth-with the Camelmen to have their noses and eares cut off, the forty load of Toback, (as they call it, or Tewton) was put into a large earthen Pipe (the ground) and fired, whose blacke vapour upon free-cost, gave the whole City infernall incense, two whole dayes and nights together. It seems some late Edict had forbid it, and then tis death or as bad as death to drinke it, for he sometimes tolerates and forbids the same thing three or foure times in two yeares as the humour pleases him.’
431.
This is taken from Bradford (1840: 8), and is preceded by this note from the editor: ‘The princess told me, that when a child she had sometimes permission from her indulgent uncle to look over old papers relative to negotiations and treaties, and that doing so was her highest gratification. Among these were many curious and interesting documents, but two especially remained on her memory, as singularly calculated to strike the imagination of a child, and even to excite the reflection of those much older. One was a letter from a Schah of Persia to Catherine the First, on her accession to the throne.’ Catherine I was crowned on 7 May 1724. The description given by the writer himself, alleged to be the Shah, sounds like that of an older man, i.e. Shah Soltan Hoseyn. The editor, Martha Bradford [née Wilmot; Mrs. William Bradford (1775–1873)], spent the years 1803–1808 in Russia where she became a close friend of Princess Dashkova , who ‘was instrumental in the coup that had brought Catherine the Great to power and was also familiar with Britain politically through her brother, Count Voronzov, who was the Russian ambassador stationed in London.’ See Buck (2016: 133). Later she married Rev. William Bradford, the one-time chaplain to the British Embassy in Vienna, and spent ten years in the Austrian capital.
432.
Louis Alexandre Berthier, Prince of Wigram (1753–1815). Senior marshal and chief of staff of the Grande Armée. For his life and career see Mullié (1852: 64–66).
433.
The soi-disant ‘ambassador,’ Yusuf Bey, was in fact a simple courier who appeared in Paris in late 1806. Cf. 9.81.
434.
This is a verbatim excerpt from Anonymous (1840c: 672–673).
435.
A reference to Charles XII of Sweden who was captured by Turkish Janissaries during the skirmish at Bender, Moldova, on 1 February 1713, but only after a stubborn fight. See Mottley (1739: 199).
436.
Nikolai Ivanovich Voskoboynikov [Воскобойников] (1803–1861?). Major (from 1841 Colonel) in the Bakinskii Corps of Mining Engineers. After having been in the Mining Cadet Corps in St. Petersburg he attended the Georgian Mining Academy. In 1825 the oil wells of Russia were nationalized and Voskoboinikov became director of the oil fields and salt mines at Baku and Shirvan. He designed and built an oil refinery at Balakhany, and also designed storage systems for oil. See Zonn et al. (2010: 440); As Gerstfeldt (1864: 192) noted, ‘Der Berg-Ingenieur Oberstlieut. Woskoboinikow untersuchte 1843 und 1844, im Auftrage der persischen und mit Bewilligung der russischen Regierung, die Kohlenformationen in den Provinzen Masanderan und Astrabad.’
437.
Ambraseys and Melville (2005: 58–60), ‘July 2 Maku-Ararat. Late in the afternoon of 20 June (Old Style)/2 July 1840, a catastrophic earthquake hit the isolated region between the upper Euphrates and mount Ararat, affecting a large area in Russia, Turkey in Iran… .and in…Maku few houses survived intact.’
438.
Between 26 April and 6 May 1843. See Wilson (1930: 119). Ambraseys and Melville (2005: 61) and Berberian (2014: 452) dated it to 18 April 1843.
439.
Kashan?
440.
Wilson 1830: 119 noted an earthquake on 12 May 1844. Cf. Ambraseys (1968: 492); Melville (1981: 174, n. 5); Berberian (2014: 11, 126, 146) and Table 14.11. A few weeks earlier an earthquake on 25 April 1844 struck Gilan and damaged Rasht. See Ambraseys (1968: 492).
441.
George Fowler (d. 1858), English author. See Fowler (1841).
442.
Esther 3:8, ‘And when Haman saw that Mordecai bowed not, nor did him reverence, then was Haman full of wrath. And he thought scorn to lay hands on Mordecai alone; for they had showed him the people of Mordecai: wherefore Haman sought to destroy all the Jews that were throughout the whole kingdom of Ahasuerus, even the people of Mordecai.’
443.
In The Adventures of Hajji Baba, of Ispahan . See Morier (1824).
444.
Fowler (1841/1: 72–73), ‘When I saw the hurly burly Khan at the “Evening Salaam” I was much struck with his corpulent change since I first saw him in England—he had become a second Falstaff. I learnt that he continues to receive an annuity from the English government, for which he betrays their interests in every possible way, and is the avowed enemy of the country. He was but little respected by the Shah or his courtiers; his meanness was notorious, and he was proverbially false. Of the former, an instance came before me; and in proof of the latter, no one would trust him. Even for a Persian he was spoken of with contempt and disgust. He has now attained seventy-five years of age, unloved, unrespected, and will die unregretted.’
445.
Cf. the critical remarks of Fraser (1825: 149–152). In fact, Mirza Abu’l Hasan Khan Shirazi died in 1845 and served the last seven years of his life as Foreign Minister. See Javadi (1983/2011).
446.
Malcolm (1827).
447.
Malcolm (1815).
448.
Morier (1824).
449.
Fraser (1828).
450.
Var. Malazgirt, Malazjird, Manazkert, Masgirt, Mazgert, Mazgirt, north of Lake Van in east-central Turkey, about 225 kms. by road from Erzurum.
451.
What follows is paraphrased from Fowler (1841/1: 224–232).
452.
Edward VI (r. 1547–1553).
453.
For Jenkinson’s (1529–1611) main work see Morgan and Coote (1886).
454.
Shah Tahmasp I (r. 1524–1576).
455.
James I (r. 1603–1625) died on 27 March 1625. See e.g. Houlbrooke (2006).
456.
Sir Anthony Sherley (1565–1635). See Sherley (1613).
457.
Shah ‘Abbas I (r. 1588–1629).
458.
Cf. 5.64, 5.147, 5.205.
459.
Cf. 4.114, 4.180, 5.2, 5.7.
460.
Fowler (1841/1: 228). Most of the preceding and following text is loosely paraphrased from the same portion of Fowler’s work.
461.
Jonas Hanway (1712–1786). For his life see Pugh (1788. Cf. 6.139). His four volume historical account of British trade in the Caspian (Hanway 1753) is a major source for early and mid-eighteenth century Iranian history.
462.
For the history of the British factory at St. Petersburg see Anonymous (1824g).
463.
Mod. Babol, Mazandaran. Flathe (1842: 455) called ‘Balfruth, die Hauptstadt Mazenderans.’ Cf. MacGregor (1871: 65), ‘Bārfarōsh is still the chief commercial town of Manzandarān from which the others principally derive their supplies, and from which the productions of the country are exported to neighbouring provinces.’
464.
Fowler (1841/1: 231).
465.
Another way of saying the goods were conveyed via Smyrna.
466.
The error here, writing 1810 instead of 1801, is not a misprint on the part of the newspaper, but appears in Fowler (1841/1: 181).
467.
Signed on 28 January 1801, the ‘treaty’ was in fact a pair of firmans. As Hurewitz (1956: 68) noted, firmans or decrees ‘did not require ratification. But both sides repudiated the treaties in less than a half-dozen years. The dating of the two documents is based on that in Malcolm’s private diary as reported by his official biographer, who was apparently more precise on this point than Aitchison.’ For the text see Aitchison (1933: 45–53); Hurewitz (1956: 68–70).
468.
Fowler (1841/1: 234–235).
469.
Fowler (1841/1: 236–237).
470.
Alexander I (r. 1801–1825). The bed was completed shortly before his death on 1 December 1825. Cf. 12.110.
471.
In fact the gift was sent to Fath ‘Ali Shah in 1826, not to Mohammad Shah. Cf. 12.110.
472.
‘The son and minister of the god Somnus…He is sometimes called the god of sleep. He is generally represented as a sleeping child, of great corpulence, and with wings. He holds a vase in one hand, and in the other are some poppies. He is represented by Ovid as sent to inform by a dream and a vision the unhappy Aleyone of the fate of her husband Ceyx. Ovid. Met. 11, fab. 10.’ See Lemprière (1809): s.v. Morpheus.
473.
Sir Robert Ker Porter (1777–1842). Cf. 10.347. For his life see Armstrong (1962); Barnett (1972).
474.
Ker Porter’s sisters were both prolific novelists, both individually and, occasionally, as co-authors. Their novels were often historical romances in the vein of Sir Walter Scott, and were extremely popular. Jane Porter (1776–1850) was visiting her brother in St. Petersburg when he suddenly experienced his fatal attack of apoplexy. For the life of Anna Maria Porter (1780–1832) see Elwood (1843: 276–303); and for Jane Porter see Allibone (1870: 1645–1646).
475.
For the Stcherbatov [Щербатов] family see Ruvigny (1914: 1394). Cf. 1.176 with a Colonel Stcherbatof. Although no Theodore (Feodor) appears among the sixteen Stcherbatov princes listed there, a Major-General Prince Feodor Feodorovich Stcherbatov (1729–1790) is credited with the capture of Kertch in the Crimea on 2 July 1771. See Imperial Russian Historical Society (1874: 157); Kamenskii (2020: 124–125). He may have been Marie’s father.
476.
Ker Porter had met Marie in 1806. As Armstrong (1962: 43) noted, ‘Journeying to Moscow in the late winter of 1806, Porter formed an attachment for Marie, a young noblewoman of that city and daughter of Prince—perhaps he was only a Count—Theodore von Scherbatoff or Schertakoff. Custom required imperial consent to their marriage, but before this could be obtained, Russia had been forced by Napoleon into the Treaty of Tilsit, which threw it into an unwilling alliance with England’s enemy. With this turn of events Porter became officially persona non grata in St. Petersburg…Bidding his fiancee goodbye—she had come all the way from Moscow to see him off—Porter crossed the border into Finland on December 10, 1807, and made his way to Sweden.’
477.
Ker Porter (1821).
478.
This entire text is reprinted in Richardson (1846: 375–376).
479.
Joseph Wolff (1795–1862), British missionary. Cf. 10.375, 11.270.
480.
takht-ravan. Cf. 14.11.
481.
Roberto Cazolani was Maltese and employed at this time as ‘physician and surgeon to the Persian governor [of Tabriz] Bahman Mirzā.’ See O’Flynn (2017: 852). On 13 November 1847 Hommaire de Hell delivered a letter to him from his father Bishop Cazolani, whom he had met on board the Tancrède in 1846. Hommaire de Hell (1856: 7) called ‘docteur Cazolani, jeune Maltais au service de la Porte depuis quelques années.’ Ida Pfeiffer met him in Tabriz and remarked that he ‘speaks Persian very well.’ See Pfeiffer (1850: 354). Later he ‘served in the East India Company’s Residency and British Consulate-General at Bagdad in charge of the Correspondence in Foreign Languages from 1847 to 1850. Was attached to the Turco-Persian Boundary Commission under Sir W.F. Williams of Kars (then Colonel Williams) as Secretary for Oriental Languages from 1851 to 1852. Held the post of Teacher of the Arabic Language in the Malta Government College for the space of six months, when he was appointed Interpreter to Admiral Dundas, Commander-in-Chief of the Mediterranean Squadron sent to the East in 1853. Was appointed Naval Agent at Sinope immediately after the catastrophe which had occurred there; was stationed at Sinope during the whole of the [Crimean] war until August, 1856. Was appointed Dragoman to the Embassy at Constantinople, May 8, 1857, and Chief Dragoman to the Supreme Consular Court at Constantinople, February 1, 1860.’ See Hertslet (1877: 72). In 1848 Cazolani’s brother was ‘attaché comme drogman à la mission russe’ in Tehran. See Hommaire de Hell (1856: 120).
482.
William Fenwick Williams (1799–1883), Royal Artillery. A native of Nova Scotia, Williams gained worlwide fame as ‘Williams of Kars’ for his defense of this city in 1855 during the Crimean War. When Wolff met him in 1845 he was British Commissioner of the Turco-Persian Boundary Commission, in which capacity he served until 1848. See Vesey (1946: 161).
483.
Capt. John Grover (d. 1847). He fought in the Napoleonic Wars and retired from the military in 1826. For his life see Herschel (1848: 66–67). He was instrumental in advancing funds to cover Wolff’s journey to Bokhara in search of Col. Charles Stoddart and Capt. Arthur Conolly. For the fundraising effort see Grover (1843). For Grover’s account of Wolff’s mission see Grover (1845).
484.
Wolff consistently called him as ‘Abbas Kouli Khan.’ See e.g. Wolff (1848: 226).
485.
Mohammad Shah demanded that the Emir of Bokhara release ‘Abbas Qoli Khan and Wolff together, but it was rather Wolff who refused to travel without the Persian envoy, rather than the other way around. See e.g. Wolff (1848: 226, 240).
486.
Cf. 15.98, 15.158.
487.
A reference to Wolff’s mission to ascertain the fate of the captured British officers, Stoddart and Conolly, who were held hostage and eventually executed by the Amir of Bokhara. See Wolff (1848).
488.
Nasrullah Bahadur Khan (r. 1826–1860). For his career up to this point see Khanikoff (1845: 295ff).
489.
A quarantine station. Describing the situation at Trabzon, Baker (1879: 514–515) wrote, ‘Plague and cholera render all arrivals subject to quarantine; for the former, twenty-one days, and the latter, fifteen days would be imposed. Small-pox occurring during the voyage would subject arrivals to ten days’ quarantine, irrespective of the bill of health from the last place of departure… .There is one lazaretto… .No means of purification exist. If sickness occurs in a vessel undergoing quarantine, nature is allowed to take its course. No inspection is made; no record is kept. Clean bills of health are granted without previous inspection. Frequent instances of infraction of quarantine have occurred, but no punishment has been inflicted, beyond seizing the guilty and confining them in the lazaretto.’
490.
Charles Stoddart (1805–1842). Cf. 13.57.
491.
Arthur Conolly (1807–1842). For his life see Kaye (1895: 93–203). Kaye 1857: 69 described him as ‘a man of an earnest, impulsive nature, running over with the purest feelings of benevolence, and glowing with the most intense longings after the civilisation and evangelisation of the human race. He believed that the great Central-Asian movement was designed by Providence to break down the huge walls of Mahomedanism which begirt the shining East, and to substitute civilisation, liberty, and peace, for barbarism, slavery, and strife. He was a visionary, but one of the noblest order; and when he looked out beyond the great barrier of the Hindoo-Koosh, traversed in imagination the deserts of Merve, and visited the barbarous Courts of the Khans of Khiva, Kokund, and Bokhara, he never doubted for a moment that the mission which he was about to undertake was one of the highest and holiest with which a Christian officer could be entrusted.’ Conolly was already at Kokand when he was lured to Bukhara, ‘in which he pressed him to go to the camp of Nasser Ullah [Emir of Bukhara], who had manifested the greatest desire to treat with him for a definitive alliance with England. In this way the Emir hoped he should be able to get Captain Conolly into his power.’ See Ferrier (1858: 438).
492.
Cavaliere Pietro Naselli Flores (d. 1842). Although sometimes described as a Neapolitan (Ferrier (1858: 462); Vambéry (1872: 152); Howorth (1880: 803); Marvin (1881: 11)), this is a confusion caused by the misapprehension of the name as Nasili/Nasilli, which is indeed that of a Neapolitan family (Cantu 1862: 29; Church 1895: 289). Naselli Flores belonged to an ancient Sicilian noble family (Miceli and Valenza 2008; Tutrone 2011), as recognized by some authors (Le Messurier 1889: 161; O’Flynn 2017: 835), and the Palazzo Naselli Flores in Palermo stands to this day (De Seta, Spadaro and Troisi 1998: 286). He was, according to Vambéry, ‘probably attracted to the East by the splendid career of his countryman, General Avitabile, in the service of Rendjit Singh. Flores came to Bokhara some time after the execution of the English, and would place his military science at the disposal of the Emir. As he had, however, no acquaintance with the languages of the country, and the treacherous Abdul Samed Khan, a great enemy of Europeans, feared to find in him a rival, he was arrested as a spy within a week of his arrival, and executed.’ See Le Messurier (1889: 161). Ferrier, who met and corresponded with him, provided the most detail about his life, noting that Naselli Flores ‘had enjoyed the hospitality of M. Anitchkoff, the Russian Consul-General at Tauris, and when he put into execution his project of going to Lahore through the Usbek states, Sir John M‘Neil, who had a few months previously returned to Teheran, conceived some suspicions against him; he even opened a correspondence with Count de Medem, the Russian Minister, and complained of the direction Nasseli intended taking, protected by a passport which had received the visa of the Russian authorities. He said that he considered the journey of Flores across Tartary concealed intentions hostile to England, and offered to send him safely to Lahore free of expense if he would consent to go there by the Persian Gulf and India, but nothing could overcome the obstinacy of the traveller… .He remained some time at Meshed, and I received a letter from him, from this city, probably the last that he ever wrote… .It is dated Meshed, May 22, 1842.’ See Ferrier (1858: 462–463). He was imprisoned in Merv, but liberated by McNeill’s assistant Taylour Thomson. Nevertheless, he insisted on proceeding to Bukhara, where he was held for eight days before being put to death. See Ferrier (1858: 465). According to Howorth (1880: 803), ‘He met Akhud Zadek at Charjui on the Oxus, who tried in vain to persuade him not to go, speaking to him by signs, as the Italian understood no Eastern language. He had scarcely been an hour in Bukhara when he was seized, stripped, and committed to the Siah chah. At a subsequent interview with the Amir, Giovanni Orlandi, a renegade from his own country, acted as interpreter, while Abdul Samut was present. The latter was jealous of Nasseli’s supposed military knowledge, and determined to compass his death.’
493.
Na’eb Abdul Samad Khan (1784–1847). For his dates see Ferrier (1858: 465, n.* and 467). As Khanikoff (1845: 306–307) noted, ‘Abdul-Samet, a native of Tabriz, had served at the commencement of the present century, in the Persian army, and having been sentenced to death for a murder he had committed, escaped to India, and entered into the service of a Persian refugee, a relation of Fet’h-Ali-Shah, who was pensioned by the British Government. Abdul-Samet having conspired, with some of his fellow-servants, to rob their master, killed him; but on being seized, and sentenced by a decision of the Supreme Court, to be hanged, the Naïb, whose hour had not yet come, found means to escape from prison, and presented himself to Dost-Muhammed of Cabúl, into whose confidence he shortly after knew how to ingratiate himself. The turbulent character of the Naïb soon broke out; at a review of the troops, he picked a quarrel with Muhammed-Akbar-Khan, the son of Dost-Muhammed, and shot at him with the muzzle of the pistol clapped close to the body; the shot, however, did not prove mortal. In the first heat of anger, Dost-Muhammed ordered his ears to be cut off, and himself thrown into prison, where he would inevitably have been killed, had he not contrived to escape and fly to Bokhara, where through the medium of the Reis, he persuaded the Amír to introduce regular troops into the country, and by that means gained such an ascendancy over Naasr-Ullah, that at present he is one of the most influential men in the Khanat.’ Cf. Lal (1846: 160–161, n. *), who called him, ‘A Persian adventurer, who came into Bombay as a horse merchant, and thence went to Sultan Mohammed Khan at Peshavar. He entered his service, and raised a regiment of infantry. Afterwards he fled to Kabul, and received a similar command under Dost Mohammed Khan. He continued with him for some years, and then finding his position dangerous he stole his escape to Bokhara, and gained the favour of an infantry regiment from the half-mad monarch, the Amir of Bokhara.’ For his treacherous behavior in Kabul see also Masson (1842: 263–264, 391–392). When Conolly arrived in Bukhara ‘he took up his residence in the house of…Abdul Samut Khan,’ whom Ferrier called a ‘wretch.’ See Ferrier (1858: 440 and n.*).
494.
Located in the Ferghana valley, Uzbekistan. For the Khanate of Kokand see Nalivkine (1889).
495.
Haji Kiamili Pasha. A brother-in-law of the Sultan. See Ubicini (1854: 169, n. 4). Cf. Curzon (1854: 56, 86, 106); Ateş (2013: 77, 123).
496.
Citing Wolff, Ferrier (1858: 465, n. *) wrote that he ‘acquired some smattering of military science at Kermanshah from M. le Général Court,’ and ‘was employed there for a while by Mohamed Ali Mirza.’ Cf. 12.81.
497.
Sardar Sultan Mohammad Khan, one of the Sardars of Peshawar. As Hunter (1886: 244) noted, ‘In 1834, Ranjít Singh occupied Pesháwar, and Sultán Muhammad Khán retired to Kábul. But the Sikhs found themselves unable to levy revenue from the hardy mountaineers; and in the following year Ranjít Singh restored Sultán Muhammad Khán to a position of importance at Pesháwar, and made him a grant of Kohát and Hangu. Sardár Sultán Muhammad Khán continued to govern Kohát District through his sons till the breaking out of the second Sikh war.’
498.
na’eb, ‘lieutenant.’
499.
According to Ferrier (1858: 468), ‘This poor fellow, who was by trade a watchmaker, was living at Teheran in 1839, when an ambassador arrived there from the Khan of Kokan, by whom he was persuaded to follow him to the court of his master. Giovanni was well treated by Mohamed Ali; but scarcely had he felt the advantages of his new position when the Emir of Bokhara attacked Kokan, and carried him off to his capital, where he obliged him to mend all the broken watches of his court for nothing. This treatment was widely different from the kindness he had received from the Khan of Kokan; but, as it was impossible for him to escape, he submitted to his sad fate. When Dr. Wolff was at Bokhara in 1844, the Emir consented to allow the watchmaker to return to Persia with him; but on the day appointed for his departure Giovanni was seized with a sudden panic; an idea that assassins had been placed on the road to murder him had taken such firm possession of his mind that he would not leave, and he thus lost his only chance of returning to Europe. Three years rolled on after this misfortune, and he continued to repair the Emir’s old watches: however, in the course of time his tools wore out, and it was utterly impossible to replace them; his work, therefore, of course, became inferior, but Nasser Ullah would accept no excuses, insisting upon its being as well done as when he first arrived at Bokhara, and for various failures inflicted the bastinado. One day the Emir’s watch stopped in the middle of his prayers, on remarking which he dashed it against the wall, and, furious, ordered the unfortunate Italian to be brought before him. He was obeyed. “Kill him,” he thundered to the guard; and the third stroke of a club ended Giovanni’s troubles and his life.’
500.
Bartholomäus Freiherr von Stürmer (1787–1863). A career diplomat who was born in Constantinople where his father was Austrian Internuntius from 1802 to 1818. Bartholomäus Freiherr von Stürmer was Austrian Internuncio or Ambassador in Constantinople from 1832 to 1850. See Samsinger (2017: 57, n. 8). A letter from the American consul in Vienna, John George (Johann Georg) Schwarz [1800–1867], to Wolff, dated 11 October 1845, states that ‘the necessary steps were taken, so that the Austrian state-office will try to effect the freedom of the unfortunate Giovanni Orlando, whose case is warmly advocated also by Prince Metternich. The matter was stated to the Austrian ambassador in St. Petersburg with all possible emphasis, and there is no doubt but the Governor of Orenburg has already received the necessary injunction from his government. See Wolff (1848: 422).
501.
Greece was in fact much larger than the emirate of Bokhara. In 1837 Greece was estimated to have an area of 10,206 sq. miles, according to Anonymous (1838i: 225), whereas Khanikoff (1845: 6) put Bukhara’s size at only 5600 sq. miles in 1842.
502.
Khanikoff (1845: 233, n. *) wrote, ‘The number of troops in the Khanat of Bokhara is unknown to me, and probably the Amir himself is not correctly informed of it, because the lists of the military, as far as I could judge by those which fell under my notice, (especially in Samarkand,) are very defective. The maximum, according to my opinion, is 40,000 men, of which not more than one third is completely armed, the rest consisting merely of the followers of the army, or such as are indifferently equipped… .and as for fire-arms with ordinary locks, there were, during my stay at Bokhara, only 1000 regular infantry who had them, and a few Uzbeks of the higher class.’
503.
Abdulmejid I.
504.
yüzbaşi. As Herbert (1895: 28) noted, ‘The words binbashi (major), yüzbashi (captain), onbashi (corporal) mean, literally, 1000 head, 100 head, 10 head respectively. Originally the battalion consisted of 1000 men, divided into ten companies, the company being subdivided into ten squads.’
505.
Bartholomäus Freiherr von Stürmer.
506.
Cf. the discussion of this episode in Patai (1997: 54).
507.
A reference to Satan’s repeated temptations of St. Anthony as related in his biography by Athanasius, Bishop of Alexandria. See e.g. Stephens (1697). As Chambers (1888: 124) wrote, ‘The Temptations of St Anthony have, through St Athanasius’s memoir, become on of the most familiar of European ideas. Scores of artists, from Salvator Rosa downwards, have exerted their talents in depicting these mystic occurrences. Satan, we are informed, first tried, by bemudding his thoughts, to divert him from the design of becoming a monk. Then he appeared to him in the form successively of a handsome woman and a black boy, but without in the least disturbing him. Angry at the defeat, Satan and a multitude of attendant fiends fell upon him during the night, and he was found in his cell in the morning lying to all appearance dead. On another occasion, they expressed their rage by making such a dreadful noise that the walls of his cell shook. “They transformed themselves into shapes of all sorts of beasts, lions, bears, leopards, bulls, serpents, asps, scorpions, and wolves; every one of which moved and acted agreeably to the creatures which they represented: the lion roaring and seeming to make towards him; the bull to butt; the serpent to creep; and the wolf to run at him, and so, in short, all the rest; so that Anthony was tortured and mangled by them so grievously that his bodily pain was greater than before.” But as it were laughingly, he taunted them, and the devils gnashed their teeth. This continued till the roof of his cell opened, a beam of light shot down, the devils became speechless, Anthony’s pain ceased, and the roof closed again.’
508.
Mirza Qoli Khan. Mentioned in highly positive terms by Wolff (1848: 257, 266, 277).
509.
Sabhan Ullah Beg. Wolff (1848: 294).
510.
Mohammad Shah.
511.
Amir Abu’l Qasem. Cf. 15.183.
512.
Rev. George Henry Stoddart. A graduate of Queen’s College, Oxford, Stoddart was the author of Lectures on the Psalms (1843), The Preparatory Latin Book (1845), The History of the Book of Common Prayer (1871) and other works, and tutored pupils for entrance to both public schools and universities. See Anonymous (1846c). He was Honorary Secretary of the United Relief Association which was particularly concerned with improving living conditions in Ireland. See Stoddart (1847).
513.
Cf. 15.182.
514.
William Beaumont Selby (1816–1876), Commander in Her Majesty’s Indian Navy and noted surveyor of large portions of southern Iraq, including the site of ancient Babylon. See Anonymous (1878b: 494, 497). For the dates of his birth and death see Vickers (1922: 174).
515.
See Selby (1844). Selby surveyed the Karun River in the Honorable East India Company’s steamer Assyria.
516.
As the Bombay Times noted, ‘This enterprising officer, instead of confining himself to “a regular communication” between Baghdad and Basrah, explored the river Karún, the river of Dizful, the Keskhah [Karkheh], the Hie, and the Bámsheer . He ascended the Karún to Shushter, both by the main body of the river and by Abi Gargar, or artificial canal. He fully established the practicability of the navigation of the Bámsheer; and proved the possibility of communicating by steam between the Euphrates and Tigris by the Hie. These are by far the most important results of the Euphrates expedition; and should a steam communication be hereafter established on the rivers of Mesopotamia and Susiana, for commercial or other purposes (which we firmly believe will, before many years, be the case), the discoveries of Lieut. Selby will be duly appreciated. This officer, by his courage, his perseverance, and his scientific knowledge, was admirably calculated for an expedition of this nature.’ Quoted in Murchison (1842: 67).
517.
Cf. 15.186.
518.
The Karun river is meant here, but the alternative Kuran is sometimes found. Rawlinson (1839: 70, n. §) noted, ‘The name of this river has been hithertoo always written Karoon: the true pronunciation which corresponds with the orthography is Kuran.’ Curzon (1892/2: 314) wrote, ‘Its true orthography…would appear to be Kuran, from the Kuh-i-rang, or Variegated Mountain, in which it rises,’ noting further (n. 3), ‘The Portuguese writers, De Barros and Cotinho, called it Rio Carom. Other appellations in European writers of the last two centuries have been Correng, Kureng, Kuren, Keren, and Couran.’ Cf. Le Strange (1905: 232) who noted that the river is ‘now known as the Kârûn, a name which is said to be a corruption of Kûh Rang, “the Coloured Hills,” namely the mountains from which it descends; the name Kârûn, however, appears to have been unknown to the medieval Arab or Persian geographers.’
519.
Selby reached Shushtar. See Murchison (1842: 67).
520.
Dezful.
521.
Daniel 8:2, ‘And I saw in a vision; and it came to pass, when I saw, that I was at Shushan in the palace, which is in the province of Elam; and I saw in a vision, and I was by the river of Ulai.’
522.
Nikolai Ivanovich Voskoboynikov. Cf. 15.174.
523.
Later published as Woskoboinikow (1847).
524.
Mohammad Shah.
525.
Cf. 13.21.
526.
Cf. 15.170.
527.
As Woskoboinikow (1847: 674, n. **), commented, ‘Eine jede Beschäftigung welche den Persischen Beamten unverständlich war, oder ausser Zusammenhang mit den bergmännischen Untersuchungen schien, wurde von ihnen mit äusserstem Misstrauen angesehn und veranlasste zu den seltsamsten Verdächtigungen bei der Regierung.’
528.
Richard Rush (1780–1859), American ambassador to Great Britain (1818–1825). For a record of those years see Rush (1845) and Rush (1873).
529.
Mirza Abu’l Hasan Khan Shirazi. Cf. 10.23ff.
530.
Taken verbatim from Rush (1845: 187) who prefaced the story by noting, ‘We had one anecdote relished above all the rest. I need have the less scruple in telling it, as it may be inferred that the distinguished personage to whom it relates, would have no objection to its publicity.’
531.
Cf. 15.194.
532.
Giovanni Paolo Marana (1642–1693). The author of a set of letters, purportedly written by a Turkish spy resident in Paris from 1635 to 1682. While the first volume, published in 1684, was probably by Marana, many of the subsequent volumes appear to have been written by one or more English authors. See e.g. Hallam (1839: 317–319). Many editions of the collected ‘eight volumes of letters writ by a Turkish spy’ exist, e.g. Marana (1734).
533.
Charles de Secondat baron de Montesquieu (1689–1755). Particularly his Lettres persanes. See Montesquieu (1721).
534.
Oliver Goldsmith (1728–1774). Probably a reference to his Letters from a Citizen of the World to his Friends in the East. See Goldsmith (1762).
535.
James Justinian Morier (1782–1849). See Morier (1824), the protagonist of which was modelled on Mirza Abu’l Hassan Khan.
536.
Fath ‘Ali Shah.
537.
Mirza Abu’l Hassan Khan.
538.
Cf. 5.167 for this form of corporal punishment.
539.
Mohammad Shah.
540.
The brothers Khosrow (cf. 12.27) and Jahangir Mirza (cf. 11.203), who had a different mother than Mohammad Shah. ‘One of them was 19 years of age, and was called Kossrow Meerza, and the other a young Prince of 15 years of age, called Gihangir Meerza. The inhabitants of Azerbajan, many of whom live in tents, were very much in favour of these two young Princes, and there was not much friendship between them and Mohammed Shah. When he arrived at Ardabil, Kossrow Meerza was there, who had been formerly sent by the late Shah to the court of St. Petersburgh, and was a very sensible and well-bred Prince, and much liked in St. Petersburgh, where his portrait was taken by the Russians, and placed on many fancy articles. This fine young Prince, with his brother Gihangir Meerza, went out to meet their brother, Mohammed Shah, and offered him their services; but Mohammed Shah was seized with some foolish and unjust ideas. It entered into his mind that they were beloved by the Azerbajan people, and he thought that they might do some mischief. This idea being continually present to his mind, he sent that very night and had these two brothers brought before him, and ordered their eyes to be put out. This was done immediately, and those unfortunate young Princes lost their eyes; moreover, they were imprisoned in the castle of Ardabil.’ See Kayat (1839/1: 14–15). According to Melville (2013: 84), ‘Having misinterpreted his extraordinarily warm reception at the Russian court as a possible source of support from the Tsar in a bid for the throne, Khosrow participated with his full brother Jahangir (the second son of Khorde Khanom, the daughter of the influential Turkmen Beg) in a plot against his older brother Muhammad. On becoming shah in 1834, Muhammad sent both his rebellious half-brothers to the fortress in Ardabil, blinded them but later allowed them to settle down in Hamadan, where Khosrow Mirza lived until his death in 1875.’
541.
mushtuluq/mushtaluq. Cf. Lambton (1994: 147). Morier (1812: 93) related that once, ‘Whilst we were at dinner it was announced to the Envoy, that one of his old Persian friends Mahomed Reza Khan was about to meet him on his route; that he was the bearer of good news, and would therefore demand his moodjdéhlook, the customary present.’
542.
Mirza Abu’l-Qasem Qa’em Maqam. Cf. 11.35.
543.
For the episode see Busse (1972: 241). Mohammad Shah had him arrested and strangled on the night of 26 June 1835.
544.
A vivid account of this episode is also preserved by Serena (1883: 139–140, n. 4), who heard the tale from the widow of Dr. Léon Labat, the first of Mohammad Shah’s French physicians. After the doctor’s death, she remarried an Italian colonel who was working as a military instructor for the Shah. ‘Un jour le colonel vit passer le ferrach-bachi du Shah (bourreau en chef), tenant un mouchoir dans lequel il agaitait avec satisfaction, le croirait-on… .quatre yeux humains qu’il venait d’arracher, et qu’il portait au palais en disant: Voilà qui vaut une belle récompense.—C’étaient les yeux des deux frères de Méhémet, qui avaient été envoyés par leur père en Russie après l’assassinat des membres de la légation Russe à Téhéran, le 11 février 1829. Ils en étaient revenus avec des idées politiques trop avancées pour la Perse. Comme ils portaient ombrage au Shah leur frère, celui-ci résolut de s’en défaire en leur faisant arracher les yeux, un prince aveugle ne pouvant jamais monter sur le trône. Après un repas, dans l’une des maisons de campagne de Méhémet, où ils les avait invités, le bourreau en chef leur annonça l’ordre du supplice. Ils firent leurs prières, s’étendirent à terre sans résistance pour que le ferrach-bachi leur fit sortir les yeux des orbites.’
545.
Describing Persian regiments, Stuart (1854: 190–191) wrote, ‘The ordinary nominal pay of a Surbâz is seven tomauns per annum. The guards have ten, and the artillery twelve: out of this sum, when paid, there is a deduction of ten per cent. For the regimental Meerza, who acts as paymaster, or rather as clerk, to the colonel… .Pay is usually given in “berauts,” or orders upon villages or individuals, from whom it can seldom be obtained without bribery or force.’
546.
Haji Mirza Aqasi or ‘Abbas-e Erevani.
547.
Persian farrash. Servants or footmen. Cf. Floor and Faghfoory (2007: 257).
548.
This is taken out of context from a series of anecdotes about Haji Mirza Aqasi published in Holmes (1845: 364).
549.
The religion commonly referred to as Baha’i. As Hasan-e Fasa’i noted, ‘That year [1846] the civil war of the Bābis broke out; they considered themselves followers of the merchant Mirzā ‘Ali Moḥammad [1820–1850], son of Mirzā Bazzāz-e Shirāzi.’ See Busse (1972: 277). Better known as the Bāb (gate, to ‘the sacred mysteries and spiritual truths of which he had become the recipient’), he harbored ‘a conviction that he was destined to become the reformer and saviour of his nation.’ See Browne (1893: 59). As Browne (1918: xv) wrote, ‘The original Bábís who fought so desperately against the Persian Government…in 1848–50 aimed at a Bábí theocracy and a reign of the saints on earth; they were irreconcilably hostile to the existing government and Royal Family, and were only interrested for the most part in the triumph of their faith, not in any projects of social or political reform.’
550.
Cf. Wilson 1895: 186, discussing various forms of corporal punishment, ‘I have heard of one governor ordering a lighted candle to be held under the beard, burning it and scorching the chin.’
551.
Sheil (1856: 113–114) referred to them as the ‘“Lords of Wrath,” or Meerghazabs of the Shah, as the executioners about the Shah’s person are called.’ As Watson (1866: 351) noted, ‘So numerous in a short time were the followers of the Bāb that a decree was issued by the chief religious authorities in Persia, making it a capital crime for any one to profess the tenets of the false prophet of Sheeraz.’
552.
As Browne (1893: 60) noted, ‘towards the end of the summer of 1845…The Báb, who had just returned from Mecca to Bushire, was brought to Shíráz and placed in confinement. His followers were prohibited from discussing his doctrines in public, and some of the more active were beaten, mutilated, and expelled from the town.’
553.
Mehemet ‘Ali Pasha.
554.
Envisaged as ‘a mirror image of Napoleon’s Cairo Institute. It was designed to educate a new ruling elite of administrators, engineers and military officers… .In 1825 the first batch of students aarrived, to learn about European science and culture at first hand.’ See Pilbeam (2013: 107). For the eyewitness account of the early years of the Egyptian School by its resident Imam see Newman (2004).
555.
Mohammad Shah.
556.
Amédée Paul Émile Gasc (1817–1866). Son of the educational reformer Jean-Pierre Gasc (1784–1849) and one himself, Gasc was an indefatigable advocate of reform in both the French secondary school and university system. Shortly before the appearance of these articles he published a book devoted to university reform. See Gasc (1845) and for a wideranging look at his various activities, as well as his political interests both before and after the revolution of 1848, see Gasc (1854). As he wrote in his memoirs, ‘Mon père, Officier de l’Université Impériale, avait fondé à Paris, en 1815, un établissement dont il me réservait la direction. Je me préparai de bonne heure à la difficile carrière de l’enseignement, en me livrant à l’étude des sciences; et, après avoir suivi les cours de l’École Polytechnique, je devins professeur, puis Chef d’institution. Continuant les importants travaux de mon père, je publiai (de 1838 à 1848) une série d’ouvrages sur la réforme de l’instruction publique et sur la liberté de l’enseignement. Dans ces nombreux écrits, je dévoilai les vices et les abus du système d’études classiques pratiqué dans les colléges de l’Université, où le grec et le latin faisaient l’object exclusif de l’enseignement; je critiquai sévèrement le régime gothique auquel la jeunesse était soumise, et qui, avec une instruction incomplète, ne donnait pas d’éducation.’ See Gasc (1854: 1). For ten years Gasc directed the school founded by his father in 1815. See De Quincy and de Sainte-Vallière (1852: 2). Known simply as the Institution Gasc, the school was located initially at 13 rue du Regard, faubourg Saint-Germain (Anonymous 1821d) and later at 40 rue des Postes. For the school’s environment and pedagogical philosophy see Gasc (1833: 45–54).
557.
Cf. 15.169.
558.
Ferula asafoetida.
559.
The eastern Iranian origin of much of the asafoetida consumed in the past is well-documented. In the fourteenth century Abu’l Fida wrote on its production in Sistan, ‘On apporte du désert dans le Sidjistan de grandes quantités d’assafoetida, et les Sidjistaniens en font grand usage dans leurs aliments.’ See Brunnhofer (1893: 23). Kinneir (1813: 182) noted it was one of the ‘staple commodities of Herat …exported to Hindostan,’ and that it was ‘imported in vast quantities into Hindostan from Khorassan.’ Sarhadd, in northern Baluchistan grew ‘an immense amount’ of it. See Curzon (1892/2: 262–263). Bandar ‘Abbas exported large quantities to India, according to Pelly (MacGregor 1871: 59–60) and Schlimmer (1874: 59–60) noted that although much of the asafoetida consumed in Iran came from Herat, ‘the plant itself is common in its wild state around Abadeh, Murghab Nain and Kerman.’ Cf. in general Laufer (1919: 353ff).
560.
Cf. Kinneir (1813: 225) who noted that, in Makran, ‘the natives are particularly partial to the stem and leaves of the asafoetida-tree, which they roast or boil, and eat with butter, or ghee. This plant grows spontaneously on the mountains, and has when ripe the appearance of a cauliflower: the leaves are somewhat similar to beet-root. The gum…is drawn from the stem, close to the root, and sometimes from the root itself.’
561.
As Macnamara (1876: 154–155) noted, cholera ‘reached Cabul in 1844, and from thence spread down the Indus…and eastward from Afghanistan into the Punjab. Notwithstanding this offset of the Turkestan cholera of 1844 into Cabul, the disease still continued its original course, and spread westward into Persia in 1845… .Cholera spread as far west as the town of Meshed before the close of the year 1845, and it burst forth there again with renewed violence in June of the following year, quickly extending to Teheran and Tabreez, and overspreading the province of Ghilan.’ As Afkhami (2019: 19), ‘Muhammad Shah and his government abandoned the capital “in the utmost confusion” when cholera eventually reached Tehran in the summer of 1846.’
562.
As Anonymous (1846a) wrote, ‘Die Cholera, welche sich aus Khorassan nach Persien verbreitet hat, richtet große Verheerungen an; zu Meschid hat sie den dritten Theil der Einwohner weggerasst; zu Ispahan und Teheran soll die Seuche nachgelassen haben; Tabriz ist noch verschont geblieben, obschon diese jetzt blühendste Stadt Persiens von zahlreichen Pilgerkaravanen besucht wird. In Bockhara und Herat ist die Bevölkerung durch die Cholera decimirt worden.’ According to Macnamara (1876: 154–155), cholera arrived in Iran in 1845, noting, ‘General Ferrier was at this time endeavouring to travel from Teheran into the Punjab to join the army under Runjut Sing, and when at Memiana to the north of Herat, in June 1845, he first met with cholera: he distinctly and clearly states that although he had been residing for some years at Bagdad, and had travelled via Teheran to Meshed and Herat, he had heard or seen nothing of the cholera in these localities; in fact, he met the approaching epidemic coming from the east… .Cholera spread as far west as the town of Meshed before the close of the year 1845, and it burst forth there again with renewed violence in June of the following year, quickly extending to Teheran and Tabreez, and overspreading the province of Ghilan.’
563.
Mashhad.
564.
Mohammad Shah.
565.
Mohammad Shah.
566.
Mohammad Shah.
567.
Ahmad Mirza, according to Noodt (1847: 245). Neither Anonymous (1873a: 717) nor Busse (1972: 281) list a son of Mohammad Shah’s named Ahmad.
568.
Mohammad Shah.
569.
Mirza Abu’l Hasan Khan Shirazi. Cf. Noodt (1847: 245).
570.
Robert R. Glen. Cf. 14.176.
571.
Malek Jahan (Mahd ‘Ulya). See Amanat (2008: 25).
572.
Malekzadeh. See Anonymous (1873a: 717). For her later marriage to Amir Kabir see Amanat (2008: 107).
573.
The cholera epidemic had broken out some two months before Cloquet’s arrival in Teheran, by which time an estimated 12,000 people, out of a population of 120,000, had died. See Dequevauviller (1856: 10). As Larrey (1856: lxi) noted, ‘l’une des femmes et la fille aînée du souverain tombent malades; elles sont soignées, elles sont sauvées par le docteur Cloquet, dont la réputation médicale s’établit ainsi hautement.’
574.
Cf. 15.216.
575.
For the visit of 1819/1820, see the articles beginning with 10.23. Cf. 15.194, 15.195.
576.
Presumably Solayman Khan-e Qajar Qoyunlu is meant here. Cf. 15.46.
577.
Noodt (1847: 245) named ‘der Siegelbewahrer (Allah Werdi Beck)’ among the cholera victims.
578.
As Bryden (1869: 113) observed, ‘Notwithstanding the violence of this invasion, I consider that the cholera of the epidemic of 1844–46 died, and did not prolong its epidemic existence except in its extension below indicated, and in the Caspian Provinces… .The history of cholera in Persia confirms this view. There is said to have been a clear interval of thirteen years previous to the invasion of 1845; and this cholera was dead in 1846, and Persia was free again from cholera until a fresh invasion occurred in 1848.’
579.
Cf. 15.46, 15.200.
580.
Mirza Abu’l Hasan Khan Shirazi.
581.
According to Anonymous (1830e: 345), ‘Mirza Adul Houssein Khan, neveu du ministre des affaires étrangères,’ acted as mehmandar to the Griboyedov mission, while Mirza Mohammed ‘Ali Khan was listed as one of the ‘autres grands fonctionnaires, presque les égaux en dignités’ of Mirza Abu’l Hassan Khan. One of Mirza Abu’l Hasan Khan Shirazi’s nephews ‘received in marriage the hand of onen of the King’s [Fath ‘Ali Shah’s] daughters, but the princess died at an early age, and Feth-Ali Shah, to prove his attachment for the family, united him to another of his daughters.’ See Anonymous (1819f). Two of Mirza Abu’l Hassan Khan’s nephews accompanied him to England: ‘Abbas Beg (both journeys) and Mirza Abu’l Talib (second journey). See Kay (1838: 306).
582.
Better known as Haji Ibrahim. Cf. 7.25, 8.38. Mirza Abu’l Hassan Khan Shirazi was Haji Ibrahim’s nephew and son-in-law. See Anonymous (1819f); Brydges (1833: 370); Javadi (1983/2011).
583.
Given the large number of princes in this Russian family, it is difficult to be certain which one was sent to Tehran, but it is likely to have been ‘le jeune Galitzin, aide de camp’ of Grand Duke Konstantin, ‘chef actuel du ministère de la marine,’ who was killed in an accident at Cronstadt in 1854. See Fouquier (1855: 305).
584.
Fath ‘Ali Shah’s summer palace. Ouseley (1823: 359–360) described ‘the new villa called Kasr-i-Kajar …or “Palace of the Kajar family;” and sometimes the Takht-i-Kajar…their throne or royal residence…This showy edifice stands on the slope of a bleak and barren eminence near the foot of mountains covered, during a considerable part of the year, with snow.’ The body of water described in the newspaper account was described in Ouseley (1823: 360) as the ‘deriácheh…“the lake, or “little sea.”’ As Bradley-Birt (1910: 306) described it, ‘The Kasr-i-Kajar, one of the most beautiful of all the summer houses, is the most prominent feature in the landscape as one leaves Teheran, standing as it does on a commanding elevation some three miles north of the walls. The palace itself stands on a series of platforms that enhance its imposing height. Like so many other things in Persia, however, it is at its best when seen from a distance, a nearer approach disclising how far upon the road to decay it has already gone, its terraces broken, its channels no longer filled with water, and its fountains gaping bare and dry. It is long since it was occupied, and it stands now without a stick of furniture, empty save for a number of pictures in the rooms on the topmost floor.’ Similarly Goldsmid (1874: 545) called it ‘a building now seldom occupied by the Shah himself, and attracting attention rather from its imposing site and grounds than any architectural beauty. I have heard that some Persians have compared it with the palace and gardens at Versailles. With all respect for its favourable position, I cannot see the force of the comparison.’ It is unclear whether this steamer is the same one seen several decades later by Binder. As he described it, ‘Le shah [Naser al-Din] possède à Enzéli un petit vapeur à roues, si détérioré maintenant, que je doute fort qu’il puisse se risquer en haute mer. Ce malheureux bateau fut un jour capturé par un navire de la marine russe, pour s’être permis de naviguer sous pavillon persan. La Caspienne est considérée comme lac russe et aucun bateau ne peut la parcourir sous un autre pavillon que le pavillon russe. Le yacht fut rendu au shah; depuis il n’est pas sorti du lac d’Enzéli.’ See Binder (1887: 441).
585.
Although located in modern Tajikistan, Khujand may be meant here as part of the city is located on a seasonal river bed called the Hoja-bakargan. See Réclus (1895: 278).
586.
‘Abd al-Qadir al-Gilani (d. 1166). The story that follows appears in Malcolm (1815/2: 405–406, n. ‡), but the wording of the first paragraph suggests it was taken from Malcolm (1827/1: 172–173). Malcolm (1815/2: 405, n. ‡) prefaced the story by noting, ‘In one of my Persian manuscripts on the Soofees, is the following curious account of Shaikh Mohyudeen Abdool Kauder, of Ghilan, who was born A.H. 471, and died in 561.’ The great Persian poet Sa’di was one of his students. See Browne (1906: 496).
587.
Caravan. According to Pottinger (1816: 47, n. †), ‘A Kaffilah and Karwan (or, according to European orthography, caravan), are usually synonymous. I believe a distinction does exist, at least the Belooches and their neighbours consider a number of travellers, with their property, to be a Karwan; but, on the other hand, where all the goods belong to one merchant, they speak of a Kaffilah.’
588.
Extensively discussed in the literature. For detailed studies see e.g. Ritter (1838: 325–330); Tietze (1879: 656–657); Houtum-Schindler (1884); Ringler Thomson (1896: 24–30); Pogue (1915); Khazeni (2014). Yaqut’s descried the turquoise source at Firuzkuh in Khorasan in his famous Dictionary of Countries composed in the early thirteenth century (c. 1224–1228). See Barbier de Meynard (1861: 431). In 1404 Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo wrote of Nishapur, ‘here they find torquoises, and, though they are met with in other places, those of Nishapore are the best that are known. They are found in the earth, near a river which descends from a mountain, above the city.’ See Markham (1859: 108). Cf. Jackson (1911: 257). Although Mignan (1839: 212, n.*) called ‘Ansar, near Nishapour, in Khorasaun…the best turquoise mine in the world,’ and Wilson (1895b: 167) noted, ‘the turquoise-mines of Khorassan are pronounced the richest in the world,’ Wishard (1908: 268) observed, ‘The turquoise mines, on the road to Meshed, are said to be less profitable since the discovery of the mines in Arizona. The American turquoise is superior to the Oriental ones, being harder and less liable to change colour. The Persian stone, if kept thoroughly clean and free from soap and water, is very handsome, and is a general favourite in the East.’ A full discussion of the six principal mines in the Nishapur district is given by Fraser (1826: 343–347) who visited the mines in 1822 and noted, ‘About forty miles westward of Nishapore are situated the celebrated Turquoise mines, which have, from time immemorial, exclusively supplied the world with the real gem of that name.’
589.
According to Fraser (1826: 346–347), writing in 1822, ‘The mines are all the property of the crown, and are farmed to the highest bidder. The rent demanded for the year in which I visited them, was 2000 tomauns of Khorasan, equal to about 2700 l. sterling; but this being considered exorbitant, the Abdool-Rezakee mine, and some others, continued unlet. They are all worked without either skill or judgment, but, with a little more of these, might be rendered by far more productive than they are.’ Conolly (1834: 248), on the other hand, said that, ‘When Hussan Allee Meerza [Hasan ‘Ali Mirza Shoja‘os-Saltana, sixth son of Fath ‘Ali Shah; see Anonymous (1873a: 715)] was governor of Persian Khorassaun…the turquoise mines were rented for 1000 tomauns.’ There is no record of a Russian concession to work the turquoise mines near Nishapur.
590.
Samuel Marsden Brookes (1816–1892). Born at Newington Green, Middlesex, England, Brookes (often written Brooks) emigrated with his family to Chicago in 1833, and eventually moved to Milwaukee and finally San Francisco. He travelled to London in 1845, returning to the United States approximately a year later. See Marshall (1957: 196). According to a report by the State Historical Society of Wisconsin for the year 1855, ‘Samuel M. Brookes, who for several months has been so busy with his pencil and pallet in the production of faithful pictures for our gallery, is a native of England; but when a child his parents migrated to America, and in 1833 we find them at Chicago, and subsequently in the region near Waukegan. Possessing an early aptness for drawing, young Brookes took lessons in oil painting of an artist who tarried a while at Chicago, and soon after opened a studio of his own. He met with encouraging success, considering the newness of the country, the poverty of the people, and the little taste for art then prevalent in the North-West. Determined on visiting London and the Continent, he started with only a few dollars in his pocket, spent nearly two years abroad, and returned with more money than when he left, besides several hundred dollars’ worth of pictures, the most of which were copies he had made in London. Since his return, he has followed his profession first in Chicago, but for several years past in Milwaukee, and bids fair with his genius and love for the art, to add largely to his own reputation, and do a noble work for our Picture Gallery.’ See Anonymous (1856e: 52). His paintings were displayed at the First Annual Fair of the Mechanics’ Institute of Chicago, 19–22 October 1847. A report on the fair noted, ‘Canvas Paintings, by Samuel M. Brooks. These pictures are well known—or rather their author is.’ See Anonymous (1847c: 351). The Portrait Gallery of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin displayed over twenty portraits by Brookes, as well as a plaster bust and three views in oil of battle-grounds in the Black Hawk War (June–August, 1832). See Thwaites (1889, 1892).
591.
The popular rags-to-riches tale of Dick Whittington first appeared in print in the early seventeenth century. For a later version see Heywood (1780).
592.
Important late pre-Islamic and early Islamic port on the Iranian coast of the Persian Gulf. For the references in Islamic historical sources see Stiffe (1895); Le Strange (1905: 258–259).
593.
Taken verbatim from Ouseley (1819: 170). The island of Kish or Jazirat al-Qeys see Stiffe (1896); Potts (2004).
594.
S.H. Webb, of Newburgh, Ohio, sometime superintendent of U.S. Customs in Cleveland and an active member of the Cleveland Horticultural Society. See Scherofsky et al. (1936: 184, 474). Webb was one of the original subscribers to Audubon’s Birds of America. See Audubon (1840: 252).
595.
Charles Wilkes (1798–1877). The Expedition did not go anywhere near Iran but observed watermelons growing in Fiji. See Wilkes (1851: 335).
596.
A reference to the Cleveland Horticultural Society. Founded in 1844, the Society held meetings in June and July of that year with exhibitions of cherries, apples, peaches, plums and pears, which were so popular that, ‘Ere the season closed, it became necessary to build a room purposely for the exhibitions of the Society.’ See Stephenson (1848: 31).
597.
Empire Hall was the usual venue for meeetings and exhibition of the Cleveland Horticultural Society See White et al. (1938: 110–111).
598.
The kulahi maulawi. See Steingass (1963: 1041).
599.
See the entries above from 1809 and 1810 for the Harford Jones embassy.
600.
takht-ravan. Cf. 14.11.
601.
As Watson (1866: 353) put it, in assessing Mohammad Shah’s reign, ‘Another step in the path of civilization was the prohibition of importing into Persia African slaves along the seaboard of the Persian Gulf and by the harbour of Mohamera. This measure was the result of the continuous efforts of her Britannic Majesty’s Government.’ For the importation of black African slaves into Iran via the Persian Gulf see Mirzai (2002, 2016).
602.
Haji Aqasi.
603.
Mohammad Shah.
604.
In the commentaries on Paul’s address to King Agrippa in Acts 26.27, the latter is sometimes referred to as ‘the Jewish voluptuary.’ See e.g. Conybeare and Howson (1856: 367).
605.
‘The land of the infidel,’ a term used by a number of writers, e.g. Murray (1854: 203). Cf. Berdoe (1897: 126). In Act 1, scene 7, of Carl Maria von Weber’s last opera Oberon (1825/6), Sir Huon sings, ‘Hark! they come! the brave ones see/Who have humbled the pride of Paynimrie.’ See Weber et al. (1870: 8).
606.
Haji Molla Mirza Mohammad Andarmani, Mojtahed of the Age (d. 1866). See Kondo (2017: 32, 38, 66, 164).
607.
Haji Molla ‘Ali Kani (d. 1888). See Kondo (2017: 38, 63, 66–67, 116).
608.
Agha Mohammad Ja‘far Tehrani. See Kondo (2017: 41, 137, 171).
609.
Cf. Consul K.E. Abbott’s letter of 25 July 1844 to the Earl of Aberdeen, acknowledging receipt of a despatch containing an Act of Parliament entitled ‘An Act for the more effectual suppression of the Slave Trade.’ Abbott noted, ‘The only British subjects that are ever likely to have dealings in slaves in this country are Mohammedans, natives of the British possessions in India, who may occasionally be found residing in Persia. As they are permitted by the law of the Koran to buy and sell slaves of both sexes, I would respectfully ask to be instructed whether or not such transactions on their part would come within the prohibition established by Act of Parliament—slavery, amongst Mohammedans, being of a milder, and altogether of a different nature to negro slavery in the various countries of America. In this country a slave is treated in some respects as one of the family of his owner; and female slaves frequently occupy the place of wives in the houses of their lords. Although it may sometime happen, that female slaves are ill-treated in the solitude of the harem, from the jealousy or vindictiveness of their mistresses, they are probably not more exposed to such violence than other women of their own station in the harems. The male slave frequently becomes the confidential servant of his owner, is less exposed to ill-treatment than the female, and by good conduct he often obtains his freedom at the hands of his master. Negro and Nubian slaves are obtained by way of the Persian Gulf, and at the markets of Mecca and Constantinople; they are numerous in this country. Since Georgia fell under the dominion of Russia, white slaves cannot be obtained as formerly; but there are still many in Persia, either themselves originally brought from the Caucasian provinces, or the offspring of those that were.’ See Anonymous (1845e: 149).
610.
Mohammad Shah presented a pair of Kashmir goats to Queen Victoria shortly after her coronation. See Wynne Jones (1975: 74). When the regimental goat of the Royal Welch Fusiliers died in 1844, ‘Her Majesty was pleased to direct that the two finest goats belonging to a flock in Windsor Park—the gift of the Shah of Persia—should be given to the regiment. One of these was sent to the first battalion, and the other to the reserve battalion in Canada. These goats were then, as their successors are now, “the observed of all observers.”’ See Broughton-Mainwaring (1889: 160). Cf. Groves (1891: 201). At the Great Exhibition of 1851, ‘two shawls, two dress pieces and a specimen of coarse woollen cloth manufactured from the wool of the Cachmere goats kept by His Royal Highness Prince Albert in Windsor Park’ were displayed,’ the result of ‘an experiment in the manufacture of the wool from his goats’ ordered by Prince Albert. See Anonymous (1852b: 7).
611.
Xavier Hommaire de Hell (1812–1848). French mining engineer noted for his explorations in the Caucasus, ‘to investigate the geology of the Crimea and of New Russia, and to arrive by positive observations at the solution of the great question of the rupture of the Bosphorus.’ As he wrote in the preface to Hommaire de Hell (1847) (unpaginated), ‘I spent…nearly five years in Southern Russia, traversing the country in all directions, exploring the course of rivers and streams on foot or on horseback, and visiting all the Russian coasts of the Black Sea, the Sea of Azof and the Caspian. Twice I was intrusted by the Russian government with important scientific and industrial missions.’ For a brief account of his life see Horeau (1849).
612.
Although the Author’s Preface to Hommaire de Hell (1847) (unpaginated) says, ‘Our work is published under no man’s patronage; we have kept ourselves independent of all extraneous influence,’ the allegation of French government sponsorship in this article is confirmed in Hommaire de Hell’s obituary where we read, ‘Il est mort à la veille de rentrer en France, ayant presque accompli la mission dont l’avait chargé le gouvernement français en Orient.’ See Horeau (1849: 64).
613.
The only work by this traveller translated into English was Hommaire de Hell (1847). This was published in London by Chapman & Hall and an American edition by Harpers, if one was ever contemplated, never appeared. ‘Liberia’ in this article is certainly incorrect, possibly a confusion with ‘Crimea.’

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Potts, D.T. (2022). From the Aftermath of Herat to the Accession of Naser al-Din Shah (1839–1848). In: Potts, D. (eds) Agreeable News from Persia. Universal- und kulturhistorische Studien. Studies in Universal and Cultural History. Springer VS, Wiesbaden. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-36032-0_15

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Published: 07 September 2022
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