Zusammenfassung
Das Kapitel fasst die Forschungsliteratur zur Rolle der autoritären Staaten in der internationalen Politik zusammen. Es werden insbesondere zwei Themenkomplexe behandelt. Erstens analysiert das Kapitel, inwieweit es systematische Unterschiede in der Außenpolitik der autoritären und der demokratischen Staaten gibt. Dabei stehen Konflikt- und Kooperationsbereitschaft der autoritären Staaten, sowie die Legitimität ihrer Handlungen im Vordergrund. Zweitens wird die große Literatur zur Autokratieförderung und zur Diffusion der autoritären Herrschaft kritisch zusammengefasst. Es wird insbesondere auf den Einfluss der autoritären Staaten auf die Gestaltung von regionalen und globalen Ordnungen eingegangen. Das Kapitel schließt mit einer Diskussion des potenziellen Systemwettbewerbs zwischen Autokratien und Demokratien in der modernen Welt ab.
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Notes
- 1.
Im Weiteren werden die Begriffe „autoritär“ und „autokratisch“ als Synonyme verwendet.
- 2.
Glasius (2018a) schlägt deswegen vor, von der Diskussion der autoritären Regime abzusehen und über autoritäre Praktiken zu sprechen, die sie mit einer Reduktion der Accountability verbindet. Solche Praktiken müssen nicht unbedingt auf einen nationalen Rahmen begrenzt werden und beziehen sich sehr oft auf Bevölkerungsgruppen jenseits nationaler Grenzen bzw. auf die internationale Bevölkerungsmobilität (Glasius 2018b; Dalmasso et al. 2018; Tsourapas 2021).
- 3.
Neben dieser dyadischen Formulierung gibt es auch weitere: den monadischen demokratischen Frieden (Demokratien führen weniger Kriege als Autokratien) und den systemischen demokratischen Frieden (das von Demokratien dominierte System ist friedlicher als ein System, in dem die Autokratien die zentrale Rolle spielen).
- 4.
Unter „audience costs“ versteht man die Risiken für Politikerinnen und Politiker, von der Bevölkerung (oder von den einflussreichen Interessengruppen) bestraft zu werden, falls sie ihre Versprechen brechen. In der Demokratie würde die Bevölkerung die Partei abwählen, die zunächst eine internationale Krise eskaliert, und dann nicht konsequent handelt bzw. zurückzieht. Deswegen wird in den Demokratien deutlich vorsichtiger mit Entscheidungen umgegangen, die zur Eskalation führen können.
- 5.
Die Verbreitung des Bolivarianismus konnte potenziell zu der Herausbildung von einem ähnlichen Cluster der autoritären Regime führen (De La Torre 2017). Ob die Verbündeten von Hugo Chavez tatsächlich die Schwelle zum Autoritarismus überschritten haben (oder lediglich populistische Regime mit gewissen autoritären Tendenzen blieben) ist unklar. Die tiefe Wirtschaftskrise in Venezuela in den 2010er-Jahren macht die weitere Verbreitung des Modells äußerst unwahrscheinlich.
- 6.
In einigen Regionen kann die Ähnlichkeit auch durch die gemeinsame Vergangenheit (etwa die koloniale oder die sozialistische Vergangenheit) entstehen; dann ist die Situation für die Forschung besonders schwierig, weil diese Vergangenheit oft auch die Interaktion zwischen den Eliten und den Autokraten einzelner Staaten fördert und es deswegen kaum möglich ist festzustellen, ob und inwieweit das gegenseitige Lernen oder die Vergangenheit als solche zu Ähnlichkeiten von autoritären Regimen führen.
- 7.
Lewis et al. (2018) betonen außerdem die spezifischen Modelle der Konfliktlösungen, die von autoritären Staaten entwickelt und durchgesetzt werden.
- 8.
Interessant ist aus dieser Perspektive nicht nur die Forschung zu der autoritären Außenpolitik selbst, sondern auch die Forschung zu Ursachen der Wahrnehmung der autoritären Außenpolitik in demokratischen Staaten (vgl. Rogelja und Tsimonis 2020).
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Libman, A. (2024). Autokratisierung und internationale Politik. In: Sauer, F., von Hauff, L., Masala, C. (eds) Handbuch Internationale Beziehungen. Springer VS, Wiesbaden. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-33953-1_60
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