Abstract
Although the so-called “refugee crisis” lasted for just one year, it has transformed European politics. Trying to mitigate the whipped-up frenzy over “migrants” and “terrorists,” mainstream parties and politicians pivoted to the right, unleashing an unprecedented wave of authoritarian, nativist and populist discourses and policies. As the number of asylum seekers dropped, European politics slowly but steadily returned to “normal,” but not to the pre-“crisis” normal. This chapter argues that the right-wing turn might have peaked in late 2016, but that the new “center” is decisively more (populist radical) right than before the “crisis.” It shows that the so-called “refugee crisis” was not just a temporary shock to the system, but led to its transformation in at least four distinct, but related, ways: (1) immigration became a pan-European issue; (2) the far right significantly increased its electoral success; (3) mainstream parties turned to the (far) right in terms of the immigration issue; and (4) there was an Orbánization of European politics. Consequently, while the number of asylum seekers has dropped sharply in the wake of the “crisis” of 2015-6, Europe is left with a dominant narrative in which non-European immigration and multiculturalism are considered threats to European identity and security, which is propagated by both populist radical right and mainstream parties across the European continent.
This is an elaborated version of Mudde (2019b).
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Notes
- 1.
- 2.
To be clear, (West) European politics has been moving “right” since at least the 1980s, but I argue that the “authoritarian” trend was more quantitative than qualitative, i.e. did not fundamentally change the goals and ideals of the mainstream parties. See, for example, Wagner and Meyer 2016; Akkerman et al. 2016.
- 3.
The Pew (2016) poll was conducted in only ten EU member states: France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Italy, the Netherlands, Poland, Spain, Sweden and the UK. While these countries are not representative of the whole EU – they have, on average, higher support for far right parties – they are among the biggest and there is no reason to assume the average for the whole EU would be much lower.
- 4.
The 10-point scale goes from 0 (lowest acceptance) to 9 (highest acceptance), with the CEE average at 2.77 and the West European average at 6.73. Hungary had the lowest score (1.69), while Sweden had the highest (7.92). See Gallup (2017).
- 5.
Militant extremist tendency of Sunni Islamism.
- 6.
Merkel made these statements in her speech (in German) to the “Deutschlandtag” of the Young Union (JU) in Potsdam in 2010. The speech is available on YouTube here: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WaEg8aM4foc (last accessed on 15 July 2019). David Cameron’s statements come from his speech at the Munich Security Conference in 2011, which is available here: https://www.gov.uk/government/speeches/pms-speech-at-munich-security-conference (last accessed on 15 July 2019).
- 7.
See De Sie, Franklin, Russo 2019. Another first take on the 2019 European elections is Bolin, Falasca, Grusell, Nord 2019.
- 8.
This discussion is based on data from the Chapel Hill Expert Survey, a freely available dataset on party positions, which is available at: https://www.chesdata.eu (last accessed on 4 July 2019).
- 9.
The EPP manifestos are available on its website: www.epp.eu (last accessed on 5 July 2019).
- 10.
On the relationship between the European left and the populist radical right, see Mudde (2019c).
- 11.
For the report as well as the related motion and vote, see Sargentini Report (2018).
- 12.
The mainstreaming and normalization of far right parties and policies are not exclusively European phenomena. Three of the five largest democracies in the world had a far right political leader in July 2019 (Brazil, India and the US). See Mudde (2019a). On the “failure of the mainstream,” see also Grzymala-Busse (2019).
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Mudde, C. (2022). Did the “Refugee Crisis” Transform European Politics?. In: Brinkmann, H.U., Reuband, KH. (eds) Rechtspopulismus in Deutschland. Springer VS, Wiesbaden. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-33787-2_3
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