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Handbuch Kommunitarismus pp 705–730Cite as

Communitarianism: A Historical Overview

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Abstract

This chapter focuses on the development of communitarianism as a social philosophy and its application to public policy from the 1980s to the present. Communitarianism sees a good society as one that balances several conflicting normative principles, in particular autonomy and the common good. The balance needs to be adjusted as historical conditions change. This need to find a new balance is examined with special attention to the tension between national identities and the EU’s community-building as well as between globalists and nationalists. It suggests that right-wing populism is at least partially attributable to a misunderstanding of communitarian values; that in order to reduce such populism, local communities must be nurtured rather than undermined or denounced. The chapter outlines a liberal communitarian position, that outlines ways globalist and parochial values can combine to achieve a better society.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    New Revised Standard Bible (1989), Acts 4.32.

  2. 2.

    Burke (1790), Paragraph 75.

  3. 3.

    Garnett (1972, 24, 38).

  4. 4.

    Sandel (1982).

  5. 5.

    Regan (2000, 220).

    Also: Galston (2000).

    Also: Etzioni (1993b, 81–85).

    More generally on this point: Lessig (1995).

  6. 6.

    de Maistre (1974, 97).

  7. 7.

    Sandel (1984).

  8. 8.

    Taylor (1989a).

    Also: Taylor (1989b).

  9. 9.

    Walzer (1983).

    Also: Walzer (1994).

  10. 10.

    Sandel (1982).

  11. 11.

    Avnon and de-Shalit (1999).

  12. 12.

    Avineri and de-Shalit (1992).

  13. 13.

    Benhabib (1997)

  14. 14.

    MacIntyre (1984).

  15. 15.

    Rawls (1993).

  16. 16.

    Scanlon (1973).

  17. 17.

    Habermas (1994).

  18. 18.

    Kymlicka (1989).

    Also: Kymlicka (1993).

  19. 19.

    Dworkin (1985).

  20. 20.

    Dworkin (1978, 127).

  21. 21.

    Rawls (1971, 448).

  22. 22.

    Bell (2013).

  23. 23.

    Nisbet (1962).

    Also: Nisbet (1988).

  24. 24.

    Kornhauser (1959).

  25. 25.

    Selznick (1987).

    Also: Selznick (2002).

  26. 26.

    Park and Burgess (1967).

    Also: Park (1915).

  27. 27.

    Simmel (1955).

  28. 28.

    Toulmin (2012, 26–27).

  29. 29.

    Beauchamp and Childress (2009).

  30. 30.

    For more on such systems: Etzioni (1968).

  31. 31.

    This goal of nationalization was even enshrined in the constitution of the Labour Party whose Clause IV exhorted the party ‘to secure for the workers by hand or by brain the full fruits of their industry and the most equitable distribution thereof that may be possible on the basis of the common ownership of the means of production , distribution and exchange, and the best obtainable system of popular administration and control of each industry or service.’

    Tomlinson (2000, 51).

  32. 32.

    Bellah et al. (1996, 333–335).

  33. 33.

    Etzioni (1993a).

  34. 34.

    See Reese-Schäfer (2001).

  35. 35.

    The Responsive Communitarian Platform.

    Also: Founding Endorsers of the Responsive Communitarian Platform.

  36. 36.

    Frazer (1999, 41).

    Also: Heron and Dwyer (1999).

    Also: Bottery (1999).

  37. 37.

    Ferguson (1992).

    Also: Carlson and Carney (1993).

    Also: Walsh (1993).

    Also: Walker (1995).

  38. 38.

    Seters (2006a).

  39. 39.

    Ferenstein (2013).

  40. 40.

    Seters (2006b, 6).

  41. 41.

    Etzioni (2003, 356–358).

  42. 42.

    Such bills can be found in places as diverse as proposals by the Labour Party in the United Kingdom and the US Advisory Commission on Consumer Protection and Quality in the Health Care Industry, school districts, and the American Catholic Council.

    Metcalfe (2007).

    Also: Consumer Bill of Rights and Responsibilities Executive Summary.

    Also: Parents’ Bill of Rights and Responsibilities.

    Also: Catholic Bill of Rights and Responsibilities (CBRR) (2009)

  43. 43.

    McGregor (2013).

  44. 44.

    Frazer (1999).

    In response to similar objections I sought to clarify the notion, defining ‘community’ as ‘a web of affect-laden relationships among a group of individuals, relationships that often crisscross and reinforce one another (rather than merely one-on-one or chainlike individual relationships), and a measure of commitment to a set of shared values, norms, and meanings, and a shared history and identity – in short, to a particular culture.’

    Etzioni (1996, 127).

  45. 45.

    For example: Kymlicka (1993).

    Amy Gutmann (1985, 319) remarked that communitarians ‘want us to live in Salem.’.

    Also: Phillips (1993).

    Also: Fogarty (1993, 699).

  46. 46.

    Though not responding directly to the platform of the political communitarians, authoritarian communitarians defend the position that society must be much less attentive to individual rights than the ideal society envisioned by political communitarians. These include: Fox (1997).

    Also: Lee Kuan Yew (1993).

    Also: Kausikan (1997).

  47. 47.

    Chang Kyung-Sup (2004, 65–67).

  48. 48.

    Kausikan (1993, 1997).

  49. 49.

    Bell (1997).

    Also: Lee Kuan Yew (1993).

  50. 50.

    Bin Mohamad and Shintaro (1994).

  51. 51.

    Fox (1997).

  52. 52.

    Taylor (1992).

    Also: Sandel (1998).

    Also: MacIntyre (1991).

  53. 53.

    The Responsive Communitarian Platform.

  54. 54.

    Selznick (1998).

  55. 55.

    Etzioni (1996).

  56. 56.

    Nozick (1974, 32–33). Noizck’s position on this point reportedly evolved over time.

  57. 57.

    Rand (1986, 20).

  58. 58.

    Margaret Thatcher in Quotes (2013).

  59. 59.

    Taylor (2003, 195).

  60. 60.

    Etzioni (1996).

  61. 61.

    For more on the subject of balance, see Tribe (2002).

  62. 62.

    Solove (2011, 56–60).

  63. 63.

    For example: Becker (1976).

    Also: Downs (1957).

    Also: Ashade (2013).

  64. 64.

    For more on ‘soft communitarianism’, see Rauch (2000b).

    Also: Rauch (2000a).

  65. 65.

    Healy (2012), 99.

  66. 66.

    Bohman and Rehg (2011).

  67. 67.

    Habermas (2008, 89).

    Also: Habermas (2003, 108).

  68. 68.

    Etzioni (1965).

  69. 69.

    Etzioni (1965, 282).

  70. 70.

    A similar line of reasoning is reflected in an article by Walter Reese-Schäfer; he made the point that if the EU were restricted to an economic administration union, a loose concept of a transnational identity would suffice. See Reese-Schäfer (1997, 319). (“Die zweite Möglichkeit wäre, Europa auch in Zukunft und dauerhaft auf die Funktion eines etwas erweiterten wirtschaftlichen Zweckverbandes zu beschränken. Die lockere Textur einer transnationalen Identitätsvorstellung wäre hierfür ausreichend.”)

  71. 71.

    The opposite combination, high community-building and low econ-admin interaction, was not explored, because historically econ-admin developments (technological developments included), tend to outpace community-building and so there seem to be no cases that reveal such a profile.

  72. 72.

    Contrary to the views expressed here, Ernst Haas and Karl Deutsch believe that a common government is a sufficient condition for a union to be deemed highly integrated.

  73. 73.

    Etzioni (2004, 1).

  74. 74.

    Etzioni (2005, 1).

  75. 75.

    Etzioni (2007, 23).

  76. 76.

    Etzioni (2011).

  77. 77.

    Reese-Schäfer (1997, 324). (“Kann die europäische Nationalstaatsbildung durch die Vorstellung einer gemeinsamen kulturellen Identität Europas ersetzt warden… Die Europäer können, wenn sie wollen, die erste postmoderne Identitätsform herausbilden.”)

  78. 78.

    Harmonised Standards (2011); For the various approaches to EU governance, see Caporaso (1996).

  79. 79.

    For a compendium of areas in which QMV was instated from 1957 to 2004, see Miller (2004).

  80. 80.

    Europe’s Rising Far Right: A Guide to the Most Prominent Parties (2016).

  81. 81.

    Charter: Article 1.

  82. 82.

    For more discussion of this term, see Doyle and Luck (2004).

  83. 83.

    Traynor and Kingsley (2015).

  84. 84.

    Baczynska (2017).

  85. 85.

    Khan (2016).

  86. 86.

    Meiler (2016), Fonte (2016).

  87. 87.

    165 Violations of the EU Deficit Criterion (2016).

  88. 88.

    Etzioni (2007).

  89. 89.

    Etzioni (2011).

  90. 90.

    Kirschbaum (2012).

  91. 91.

    Etzioni (2007).

  92. 92.

    This quote has been translated from French. Macron said, “La zone euro a besoin de nouvelles institutions auxquelles les gouvernements nationaux transfèrent plus de souveraineté: un gouvernement économique européen fort, doté de son propre budget. Ce gouvernement serait tenu d’agir dans le seul intérêt de l’ensemble de la zone monétaire.” See “Refondons l’Europe” [Rebuilding Europe] (2015).

  93. 93.

    Macron’s Worthy Goals for Eurozone Reform (2017).

  94. 94.

    Gvosdev (2015).

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  1. The George Washington University, Washington, DC, Vereinigte Staaten

    Amitai Etzioni

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  1. Georg-August-Universität Göttingen, Göttingen, Germany

    Walter Reese-Schäfer

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Etzioni, A. (2019). Communitarianism: A Historical Overview. In: Reese-Schäfer, W. (eds) Handbuch Kommunitarismus. Springer VS, Wiesbaden. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-16859-9_37

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