Abstract
It all started when Hungary began in May 1989 to clear away the barbed wire marking its border with Austria and then in September to allow refugees from the GDR to continue on to West Germany. A mere two months later the Berlin Wall had crumbled, for nearly thirty years a grim symbol of the East-West conflict in Europe. Less than a year later the unification of the two German states was reality. In the very next year Croatia and Slovenia declared their independence from Yugoslavia. And finally, at the end of 1991, the Soviet Union collapsed, not only marking its end in post-war history as a super-power, but also the end of its entire course of its history since its founding in 1922. In a postscript to this development, the Czech and Slovak Republics decided to end their union in 1993. In a few breath-taking years the political order in Central and Eastern Europe had been turned upside down.
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Wemer Abelshauser, Wirtschafisgeschichte der Bundesrepublik Deutschland 1945–1980, Frankfurt a.M. 1983, pp. 40–45.
Rainer Klumpf, Wirtschafisgeschichte der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, Stuttgart 1985, pp. 104–105.
W. W. Rostow, The World Economy, London 1978, p. 408; Knut Borchardt, “Die Bundesrepublik Deutschland in den säkularen Trends der wirtschaftlichen Entwicklung,” in Wachstum, Krisen, Handlungsspielräume der Wirtschaftspolitik, ed. Knut Borchardt, Gottingen 1982, p. 144; W. Abelshauser, Die langen Fünfiiger Jahre, Dusseldorf 1987, pp. 56-60.
Hans C. Graf von Seherr-Thoss, Die deutsche Automobilindustrie, Stuttgart 1987, 2nd ed., pp. 316, 417.
An exhaustive examination of the term “consumer revolution” in post-war Japan is to be found in Kazushi Ohkawa & Henry Rosovsky, Japanese Economic Growth, Stanford 1973, pp. 157–160. However, the authors overlook the fact that the concept traditional cannot be definitively defined in modern Japan. For an interpretation of the change in life style in Japan in the age of mass consumption cf. Kounosuke Qdaka, “Seichou no Kiseki” [Trace of Growth](2), in Koudoseichou[High Economic Growth], ed. Yasukichi Yasuba—Takenori Inoki, Tokyo 1989, pp. 181-200; Takafusa Nakamura, Shouwashi[History of Shouwa] II, Tokyo 1993, pp. 554-560; Daikichi Irokawa, Shouwashi Sesouhen[History of Shouwa Social Life], Tokyo 1994, pp. 47-55, 101-103.
Masayasu Miyazaki & Osamu Itou, “Senji-Sengo no Sangyou to Kigyou [Industries and Enterprises in the Wartime and after the War],” in Keikakuka to Minshuka[Plannization (sic) and Democratization], ed. T. Nakamura, Tokyo 1989, p. 180.
Osamu Soda, Rome wo Kangaeru [Think about Rice], Tokyo 1989, p. 125.
Shortly before the outbreak of the first oil crisis, “Ohkawa and Rosovsky argued that, [a]fter World War H, Japan’s foreign trade proportions declined markedly especially compared to 1910–1940. Although the reasons for this are hard to pinpoint, there is no doubt that this decline must have contributed to an easier situation with respect to any external constraint.” Ohkawa—Rosovsky, op. dr., p. 188.
Statistisches Bundesamt, Statistisches Jahrbuch für die Bundesrepublik Deutschland 1954, pp. 279, 148.
OECD, Historical Statistics 1960–1990, Paris 1992, p. 71.
Ippei Yamazawa Yuzou Yamamoto, Chouki Keizai Toukei Suikei to Bunseki. 14: Boueki to Kokusai Syuhshi[Estimates of Long-term Economic Statistics of Japan since 1868. 14: Foreign Trade and Balance of Payments], Tokyo 1979, p. 3; Ohkurashou [Ministry of Finance], Zaisei Kinyuh Toükei Geppou[Monthly Report of Financial and Monetary Statistics], Kaku Kokusai Shuhshi Tokushuh[Each Special Issue for Balance of Payments].
Historical Statistics, p. 71.
Japan’s supposed’ export-led growth’ has already been examined by Ohkawa and Rosovsky. “Our position is that Japan’s rate of growth of exports has been high and well above world averages because the rate of growth of its economy and especially of its industry has been high and well above world averages, and not vice versa. Given the complex interaction between domestic growth and international trade, it is not easy to demonstrate the validity of this view conclusively, but our thinking runs along these general lines.” Ohkawa & Rosovsky, op. cit., p. 173.
Historical Statistics, p.62.
ibid, p.40.
Hartmut Kaelble, Auf dem Weg zu einer europäischen Gesellschaft, Munich 1987, pp. 25–30, argues for a European industial intensive employment structure. He views this European particularity as being closely related to the strong export orientation of European industry and the strong position of the craft trades. But his thesis still lacks confirmation, since the sectoral distribution of employment and added value are not always congruent, to say nothing about discrepancies in the industrial classifications in various countries. For example, in those handicraft branches where production and small-scale trade are combined in the same firm, they are conventially listed in Japanese statistics in the tertiary sector. As a consequence, the secondary sector in Japan is statistically weaker than it really is. Cf. Soumuchou Toukeikyoku [Management and Coordination Agency, Statistics Bureau], Nihon Hyoujun Sangyau Bunrui[Standard Industrial Classification of Japan], 1993, pp. 442, 470-492.
Statistisches, Jahrbuch 1993 für die BRD, p. 323.
Statistisches Amt des Vereinigten Wirtschaftsgebietes, Wirtschaft und Statistik, Vol. 1, New Series, No. 11, Feb. 1950, p. 341.
Soumuchou Toukeikyoku, Nihon Toukei Nenkan[Japan Statistical Yearbook], 1993/94, pp. 410–411.
ibid.
In 1965 Japan achieved for the first time since the Second World War an export surplus in trade with the USA. Since then its trade balance with the USA has always been positive, excepting only 1967 and 1975. Zaisei Kinyuh Geppou, No. 496, 1993.8, pp. 66–67.
Cf. Carsten Lüders, “Die Regelung der Ruhrfrage in den Verhandlungen über die politische und ökonomische Stabilisierung Westdeutschlands 1947–1949,” in Wirtschaftspolitik im britischen Besatzungsgebiet 1945–1949, ed. Dietmar Petzina & Walter Euchner, Düsseldorf 1984.
For early arguments on the divergence in market orientations between East and West Germany cf. Max Weber, “Die wirtschaftlichen Grundlagen des ‘Imperialismus’”, in Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft, ed. Max Weber, Tübingen 1922. After the Second World War these problems were taken up again in the seminal work of Knut Borchardt. Cf. his “Regionale Wachstumsdifferenzierung in Deutschland im 19. Jahrhundert unter besonderer Berücksichtigung des Ost-West-Gefalles”, in Wirtschaft, Geschichte und Wirtschaftsgeschichte, ed. Wilhelm Abel, Knut Borchardt, et. al., Stuttgart 1966. In Japan Tomoo Matsuda has studied the East-West differentiation in Germany since the 1940s. Cf. Tomoo Matsuda, Kindai no Shiteki-Kouzouron[Historical Structure of Modern Times], Tokyo 1948.
On the crisis of the north cf. Rheinisch-Westfälisches Institut für Wirtschaftsforschung (RWI), Nordrhein-Westfalen in der Krise—Krise in Nordrhein-Westfalen? Berlin 1985.
For an economic-historical analysis of the “south-north-gap” cf. Hubert Kiesewetter, “Das wirtschaftliche Gefalle zwischen Nord-und Süddeutschland in historischer Perspektive,” in Neues Archivför Niedersachsen, vol. 35, no. 4, 1986. He regards the five northern Länder as comprising the “North.” The term was examined in a regional-sociological view by Jürgen Friedrichs, Hartmut Häussennann—Walter Siebel, eds., Süd-Nord-Gefälle in der Bundesrepublik? Opladen 1986.
Just the same, the proportion of the population living in North-Rhine-Westphalia rose slightly from 26.5% (1950) to 27.2% (1990). But in the same period the proportion living in Baden-Württemberg rose more rapidly, from 12.9% to 15.4%. Statistisches Jahrbuch för die BRD.1952, 1992.
On the profound convergence of the German and French societies after World War II cf. Hartmut Kaelble, Nachbarn am Rhein, Munich 1991.
Historical Statistics, pp. 40, 62.
ibid., pp. 62-63.
Cf. Kaelble, Nachbarn, chap. 7.
Historical Statistics, p. 66.
ibid., p. 71.
For a detailed account of the rapid and vigorous convergence in consumption styles cf. Kaelble, Nachbarn, pp. 164–166.
OECD, National Accounts. Main Aggregates, Vol. 1, 1960–1992, Paris 1994, pp. 146–147.
On the growing similarities of the European societies in the 20th century cf. Kaelble, Auf dem Weg.
Statistisches Bundesamt, Lange Reihen, pp. 156–157; Statistisches Jahrbuch für die BRD, all vols.
Werner Glastetter, Günter Högemann—Ralf Marquardt, Die wirtschaftliche Entwicklung in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, 1950–1989, Frankfurt 1991, p. 167.
Historical Statistics, p. 48. For a critical examination of evaluations of the up-turn since 1982 cf. Glastetter, et. al., op.cit., pp. 37-46.
Paolo Cecchini, The European Challenge 1992, N.P. 1988.
Art. 1 states: “The aim of this Agreement of association is to promote a continuous and balanced strengthening of trade and economic relations between the Contracting Parties … with a view to creating a homogeneous European Economic Area.” Council of the EC / Commission of the EC, Agreement on the European Economic Area, Luxembourg 1992.
Willy Kraus, Soziale Marktwirtschaft, Bonn 1990, p. 24.
Glastötter et al., op. cit., p. 40.
On the transformation from centrally planned to social market economies in the GDR and East and South-East Europe see Kraus, op. cit.
On the rapid changes in the estimations of the total value of GDR assets through the federal government cf. Eckart Schremmer, “Integration und Desintegration: Die Vereinigung der beiden Teile Deutschlands, DDR und BRD 1989 bis 1993. Vortrag in 1993. 11.,” in Doitzukeizai no Rekishiteki-Kuhkan[Historical Spaces of German Economy], ed. Minora Morota et al., Kyoto 1994, pp. 277–278.
This scenario has by now been realized, though only fragmentarily, since the East Germans—with their high purchasing power potential—bought heavily on the West German and international import markets. The hope of a reconstruction of the industrial sites between Elbe and Oder was disappointed, since the unexpected deindustrialization in East Germany continued on until 1993. Ibid., pp. 284 ff.
Translator’s note: The “minor-German” unification was historically the unification of the German states in 1871 to form the German Empire, excluding Austria. The groβdeutsche or “major-German” unification would have included Austria.
For a diagnosis and therapy from the hands of practitioners cf. Das Süd-Nord-Gefalle, ed. Rüdiger von Voss — Karl Friedrich, Stuttgart 1986.
The percentage of the GDR population living in the southern 8 districts declined from 66.6% in 1946 to 63.2% in 1988. Statistisches Jahrbuch der Deutschen Demokratischen Republik, annually. This might be regarded as one of the few plausible data in the economic statistics.
ibid.
What stands out is a history of Saxony, which appeared shortly before the GDR’s downfall, concluding that present-day Saxony had a highly balanced economy and not mentioning relations to the Berlin region at all. Cf. Geschichte Sachsens, ed. Karl Czok, Weimar 1989, pp. 586 ff.
For an analysis of the voting results cf. Wolfgang-Uwe friedlich, Pluralismus in der DDR, Königswinter 1990, pp. 43–
Unemployment in Hamburg in 1990 was at 10.5% the second highest of all the eleven old states after Bremen. In the meantime, it has managed to reduce this considerably. Consequently, in 1992 Hamburg was with 7.9% unemployment in the middle of the scale. In this far, Hamburg was able to profit the most by reunification, especially through a rapid reconstruction of the connection with Berlin. Statistisches Jahrbuch 1993 für die BRD, p. 128.
Rhein-Main-Donau AG, RMD INTERN 3/1992, Eröffnung des Main-Donau-Kanals.
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Watanabe, H. (1996). German Unification and the Effects on Central and Eastern Europe. In: Hax, H., Klenner, W., Kraus, W., Matsuda, T., Nakamura, T. (eds) Economic Transformation in Eastern Europe and East Asia. Springer, Berlin, Heidelberg. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-85229-9_9
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