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Classical Scholarship and Arab Modernity

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Summary

Any treatment of Islamic ‘classics’ and their modernization must start by rejecting the stereotyped dichotomy of ‘traditionalists’ (or ‘fundamentalists’) and ‘modernizers’. Twentieth-century conceptions of the Qur’a¯n and its authority were influenced by globalized modern ideas of ‘scripture’; and Egyptian scholars who had studied (Western) ‘classics’ in Western universities did not see them as alien, but wanted to re-root the study of Greco-Roman Egypt in their own country and globalize ‘classical philology’ by applying it to Arabic texts.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    The authoritative treatment of this subject is Gutas 1997; recent literature includes Tamer 2008; van Gelder and Hammond eds. 2008, especially pp. ix-xv; and Pormann ed., 2012.

  2. 2.

    See, for instance, Pormann 2007 and 2013.

  3. 3.

    See, for instance, the recent Atif Ahmad 2009.

  4. 4.

    http://www.rotana.net/. Accessed on Jan. 20, 2012.

  5. 5.

    Abou El Fadl 2001; Kepel 2006, with further literature.

  6. 6.

    Mustapha Pasha, “Modernity’s Islamicist: Sayyid Qutb’s Theocentric Reconstruction of Sovereignty,” above.

  7. 7.

    Gelvin 2005; more specifically, Mitchell 1991.

  8. 8.

    Voltaire 1778: 445, n. 1; see Strohmaier 1998: 198.

  9. 9.

    Quotations from The Times and a letter by Frederic George Kenyon (1863–1952); see Fearn 2010.

  10. 10.

    Ibid.

  11. 11.

    These journeys are detailed in Budge 1920.

  12. 12.

    On Ṭa¯ha¯ Ḥusayn in general, see his autobiography Hussein 1997; on his education, Mahmoudi 1998.

  13. 13.

    F. G. Kenyon stated that he found the most important papyrus fragment in January 1890 when he went through the papyrus rolls recently brought back from Egypt, so technically the papyrus must have been found in 1889; see Kenyon 1920, iii: “Anno enim p. C. mdcccxc et mense Ianuario mihi contigit inter rotulos papyraceos nuper in Museum Britannicum ex Aegypto allatos textum operis Aristotelici fere totum agnoscere.”

  14. 14.

    Ṭa¯ha¯ Ḥusayn, 1938 (Ḥusayn 1954). The relevant chapters are 34 and 35.

  15. 15.

    See Almohanna 2010 for a detailed discussion.

  16. 16.

    A case in point is El-Abbadi 1990, in which he draws on Latin, Greek and Arabic sources to reconstruct the history of the famous Alexandrian Library. Moreover, Muḥammad Salı¯m Sa¯lim, a classicist from Alexandria University, edited a number of medieval Arabic translations that Ḥunayn ibn ʾIsḥa¯q and his circle produced for fundamental works by Galen; see Sa¯lim ed., 1977, 1985, 1986, 1988.

  17. 17.

    Ḥusayn 1926. Ḥusayn himself revised the book and published it the following year under a slightly different title (Ḥusayn 1927). A summary of Ḥusayn’s arguments can be found in Arberry 1957: 228–5.

  18. 18.

    Ḥusayn 1926: 45–6 (1996: 83–4).

  19. 19.

    For a very sympathetic account of ar-Ra¯fiʿı¯’s life, see Saʿı¯d al-ʿIrya¯n 1955.

  20. 20.

    A brief sketch of ʿAwaḍ’s life and literary output can be found in Donohue and Tramontini eds. 2004, i. 153–9.

  21. 21.

    His main works available in English are Abū Zaid 2004 and 2006.

  22. 22.

    In the following, I draw on Thomas Bauer’s work on “ambiguity;” see Bauer 2006, and Chap. 3, entitled “Spricht Gott mit Varianten?” of Bauer 2011. I would like to thank Professor Bauer for kindly emailing me an advance copy of this chapter.

  23. 23.

    This method of finding an archetype through textual criticism is famously associated with the German philologist Karl K. F. W. Lachmann (1793–1851); see Timpanaro 1963.

  24. 24.

    See, for instance, Ewald’s influential review of Stähelin 1830 (Ewald 1831). He begins with the programmatic statement: “Die Untersuchung über den Ursprung und die Quelle der Genesis ist, ähnlich der Untersuchung über die Entstehung und Quellen der Evangelien, eine der schwersten und höchsten, welche die biblische Kritik in ihr Gebiet ziehen muss.” (The investigation of the origin and source of Genesis is, like the investigation of the formation and sources of the gospels, one of the most difficult and most important that biblical criticism ought to consider within its purview.)

  25. 25.

    Wolf 1795. Obviously Wolf’s view is more complicated than this short summary would suggest.

  26. 26.

    Obviously, the history of classical as well as biblical scholarship in the nineteenth century is much more complicated. In the latter, to give just one example, Protestant and Catholic exegetes constructed quite different traditions. See further Thouard, Vollhardt, and Zini eds. 2010.

  27. 27.

    For a more general survey, see Ali al-Imam 1998.

  28. 28.

    His major work, Ibn al-Ǧazarı¯ n.d., is a collection of biographies of famous readers, and includes detailed information about such chains of transmission.

  29. 29.

    The interpretation of ʾaḥruf, plural of ḥarf, is disputed, but one meaning often accepted for this context is “reading.”

  30. 30.

    Under the supervision of Angelika Neuwirth, a major project, first conceived by Gotthelf Bergsträsser and entitled Corpus Coranicum, is currently under way to produce a critical text of the Muslim holy writ; see http://www.bbaw.de/bbaw/Forschung/Forschungsprojekte/Coran/de/Startseite. Accessed on Jan. 2, 2012.

  31. 31.

    Ḥusayn 1926: 33, emphasis added.

  32. 32.

    The relevant chapter is on pp. 23–8 of the online edition.

  33. 33.

    Apart from Descartes, Ḥusayn had a great fondness for Theodor Mommsen (1817–1903); see, for example, Ḥusayn’s description of how he read the whole of Mommsen’s Ro¨misches Staatsrecht and Ro¨misches Strafrecht in French translation in Hussein 1997: 379.

  34. 34.

    For a further exploration of this topic, see McCoskey 2002.

  35. 35.

    The work taġrı¯b is ambiguous, as it can denote making something “ġarı¯b (strange)” or “ġarbı¯ (Western)”.

  36. 36.

    Abou El Fadl demonstrated for the disciplines of Islamic jurisprudence and case law that modern Saudi-Arabian clerics often show a complete disregard for traditional exegesis. His studies therefore confirm Thomas Bauer’s analysis of Ibn ʿUṯaymı¯n’s attitude to the text of the Koran; see Abou El Fadl 2001.

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Pormann, P.E. (2013). Classical Scholarship and Arab Modernity. In: Humphreys, S., Wagner, R. (eds) Modernity's Classics. Transcultural Research – Heidelberg Studies on Asia and Europe in a Global Context. Springer, Berlin, Heidelberg. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-33071-1_6

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