Abstract
In the modern law there are almost no images. The law cultivates a sceptical, not to say hostile attitude towards images? Does this have to be the case? The scepticism of modern law towards images is the result of historical development. It is not an inevitable result of the character and inner rationale of the law. Therefore it is not surprising that gradually more and more often images and graphics are to be found in modern law. This could be the start of a new trend: the visualification of law. But we must not harbour any illusions: visualification would change the law as a whole a great deal.
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Notes
- 1.
At length on this Goodrich (1995), P. 41 ff. inter alia.
- 2.
Arnheim (2000), P. 167, reduces this to the formula of “Coming and Going of Images”. Brunschwig (2001), P. 77, talks in this context correctly of the “Oscillation of images between low and high valuations”. A similar to-ing-and-fro-ing can be seen in the history of Christianity which has always swung back and forwards between iconoclasm and love of icons (and still does). On this Belting (2000), P. 54 ff.
- 3.
This is the seminal theory from Bredekamp (1975).
- 4.
Metzler (1973), P. 14, already pointed out this link.
- 5.
- 6.
- 7.
- 8.
- 9.
- 10.
Because religious images were so important, they needed a theological legitimisation. On the basis of religious images a sophisticated theology of images grew up. On this Schwindt (2005), P. 197 f. inter alia
- 11.
Douzinas (2003), P. 152.
- 12.
Belting (2005), P. 176.
- 13.
- 14.
Belting (2000), P. 164; Gombrich (1996), P. 135. Schwindt (2005), P. 197, traces this back to the fact that initially Christianity was still coloured by the Jewish ban on images. Belting (2005), P. 11, points out that the early Christians’ iconoclasm was also a way of differentiating themselves from the image-dominated polytheistic neighbouring religions. Similarly also Assmann (2003), P. 98 ff., who sees an origin of the ban on images in monotheism. But it is not just Christianity that has an image- sceptical tradition. Other world religions also have a strong iconoclastic tendency. On this Douzinas (2003), P. 154 f.
- 15.
- 16.
- 17.
- 18.
- 19.
On the theological-systematic justification for the Christian ban on images Höhn (2004), P. 45 ff. At its core it is a ban on creating an image of the creative deity, in order to stress his transcendence, non-accessibility, his very godliness.
- 20.
Brumlik (2006), P. 57 f. inter alia. Kopp-Schmidt (2004), P. 68 ff., traces how images gained in importance and to the same extent were justified more strongly theologically. In spite of its basic scepticism about images even Buddhism has early visual representations of Buddha – as a means of visualised meditation. On this von Brück (2006), P. 209 f.
- 21.
- 22.
- 23.
This is how Pope Gregory (590-604) reacted to the communication problems of the church in the fragmented and collapsing Roman Empire. On this Müller (2007), P. 73 f.
- 24.
Informative on this Grabar (1977), P. 104, who recognises a “latent iconophobia in every culture”.
- 25.
At length on the religious roots and the cultural effects of the Islamic ban on images, Heine (2005), P. 828 ff. inter alia. The ban on images has influenced not least also Islamic architecture until the present day. On this Scharabi (2005), P. 839. Thoroughly and selectively on the relationship between Islam and images, Grabar (1977), P. 79 ff.
- 26.
Very informative on this Naef (2007), P. 36 ff. with many examples.
- 27.
At length on this Naef (2007), P. 73 ff., who reduces this to the formula: “from rarity to excess”.
- 28.
Naef (2007), P. 110 ff. describes the discussions within the Islamic clergy.
- 29.
Senn (2003), P. 57.
- 30.
Senn (2003), P. 56, talks in this context correctly of “a type of fetishism”, which was only gradually overcome by humanism. It was only then that texts began to be analysed critically in relation to their sources.
- 31.
Schnitzler (1996), P. 29 ff. inter alia, traces the changes in theological rhetoric since the 14th century, which preceded the iconoclastic activities of the 16th century.
- 32.
Belting (2000), P. 511 ff.
- 33.
- 34.
- 35.
Although the replacement of the image culture by the text culture did not happen overnight, but rather was a lengthy process which advanced and receded. Kopp-Schmidt (2004), P. 150 ff., describes the arguments between veneration of images and iconoclasm, between Reformation and counter-Reformation in detail. At length on the very differently expressed hostility to images of different reformers Brumlik (2006), P. 67 ff.
- 36.
- 37.
Harasimowicz (1990), P. 262 inter alia. Höhn (2004), P. 52 talks about the downgrading of the religious image in favour of writing and preaching. Luther talks about sola scriptura, not of sola pictura. Although Luther had a mores sophisticated relationship to images than the iconoclasts of the 16th century. Belting (2000), P. 515 f., stresses this as does Brumlik (2006), P. 69. This comes out clearly from Luther’s writings, which Belting (2000), P. 609, reproduces. Wenzel (2001), P. 193 f., shows that Luther uses metaphors quite deliberately, to increase the persuasiveness of his arguments. That is obviously one reason for the “powerful imagery of Lutheran language”.
- 38.
- 39.
Thus tendentiously Röhl/Ulbrich (2000), P. 362.
- 40.
- 41.
- 42.
- 43.
- 44.
- 45.
- 46.
- 47.
- 48.
Röhl/Ulbrich (2000), P. 362.
- 49.
On effigies seminally and at length Kantorowicz (1992), P. 422 ff. inter alia.
- 50.
On this at length Marek (2007), P. 48 ff. In the 16th century the image of the king was seen to be more important for the funeral rites than the corpse itself. On the reasons for this Kantorowicz (1992), P. 425 f. inter alia. That also today in modern democracies effigies are used is shown by the informative presentation by Manow (2008), P. 129 ff. with examples.
- 51.
Großfeld (1995), P. 27.
- 52.
But Röhl (2005a), P. 270, sees it differently, and strongly downplays the importance of the Reformation for the hostility of the law to images.
- 53.
At length on the sensual function of images Schuck-Wersig (1993), P. 103 ff.
- 54.
This harks back to Tertullian who talks in his De Idolatria about the “sin” of worship of images. On this Goodrich (1995), P. 56 f.
- 55.
On this Goodrich (1995), P. 56.
- 56.
The concept of “logocentrism” was coined by Derrida (1983), P. 11 ff. A. Assmann (2001), 204, goes even further back when looking for the cultural-historical roots of this attitude and finds even in Horace an emphasis on poetry which is more tied to writing compared to the other arts. The brief but withering comments from Habermas (1985), P. 136 f., are informative about logocentric rationality.
- 57.
An example of the – not unjustified – criticism by Postman (1999), P. 95 ff., of television, of image media generally.
- 58.
- 59.
Douzinas (2003), P. 147.
- 60.
Douzinas (2003), P. 147, refers to this.
- 61.
For the majority opinion Schulze-Fielitz (2003), P. 444 f. inter alia, who traces back the “strict legal rationality” primarily to the “abstraction of the image-free language of written texts”. Schuppert (2004), P. 75 ff. shows in detail, that the case law of the German Constitutional Court reflect the problems of modern law with images. But some voices dissent from the majority opinion. Brunschwig (2001), P. 208 ff. and pass., in particular seems seminal in stressing the strengths and the extended options of visual communication of legal matters.
- 62.
Exemplary for this Schulze-Fielitz (2003), P. 444 f. inter alia, who stresses the “abstraction of the image-free language of written texts” as an important instrument of jurisprudence and case law. Here there are interesting parallels to TV news. Like the law they are committed to being objective. Images and emotions are therefore a problem for them. Nevertheless we can note an increasing visual element in TV news programmes. At length on this problem Schramm/Wirth (2006), P. 38 f.
- 63.
At length on this see above Chap. 3.3.
- 64.
Kroeber/Riel (1996), P. 133.
- 65.
On legal symbolism generally Carlen (2002), P. 202 f. inter alia
- 66.
On the concept of the symbol from a philosophical viewpoint, seminally Cassirer (1956), P. 175 f.; Schwemmer (2006), P. 7. Other definitions of symbols can be found in other fields. A cursory overview is given by Sarcinelli (1987), P. 55 ff. inter alia. Informative on this Schlesinger (1912), who has collected several hundred symbol concepts.
- 67.
Seminal on the concept of a symbol from a semiotic viewpoint Peirce (1934/1991), 5.73 ff., P. 362 ff.
- 68.
Also Luhmann (1998), P. 319 inter alia. Similarly even earlier Noll (1981), P. 347. To explain this using one of the best-known symbols ever: the cross is not at all just a construction of two pieces of wood laid over each other. It refers to and represents the Christian faith and its content. In addition it has other, legally relevant symbolic contents. On the cross as a legal symbol Carlen (2002), P. 132 f. inter alia. Another example is the white dove: it is not just a special creature, but also stands for the abstract concept of peace.
- 69.
- 70.
Cassirer (1923), P. 18, who describes signs as necessary and important organs of thought. Similarly Langer (1957), P. 60 ff., who describes symbols as “vehicles for the conception of objects”. Goodman (1997), P. 237, stresses that the aim of symbolising is always the wish for enlightenment and understanding.
- 71.
- 72.
- 73.
Bonus/Bayer (2000), P. 288.
- 74.
Durkheim (1994), P. 317 f. A striking historic example of this is analysed by Brunn (1989), P. 104 ff. He documents the huge influence of the statue of “Germania” (by the Rhine in Koblenz) on the development of a national identity and the creation of the German nation state in the 19th century. The effect of political symbols can also be seen in the example of the Nazi-Regime: the Nazi approach to the world worked with strong symbols of mass psychology. At length on this Ueberhorst (1989), P. 157 ff. inter alia, and Schug (2007), P. 328 ff.
- 75.
- 76.
That becomes clear if you are aware of the many different forms, with which law has presented the concept of freedom symbolically. At length and in detail on this Kocher (1986), P. 405 ff. inter alia, and many examples.
- 77.
- 78.
At length on the symbolic content of this and other representations of justice Carlen (1995a), P. 262 ff. At length on the importance and the history of symbols of the scales and sword Schild (1995), P. 181 ff., and Kissel (1997), P. 92 ff. inter alia. Also Kocher (1986), P. 412 ff., stresses the special importance that the scales have as legal symbol even today.
- 79.
- 80.
That becomes strikingly clear from the crucifix decision of the German constitutional court (BVerfGE 93, 1 ff.) and the controversy that surrounded it. On this Vorländer (2006), P. 10 inter alia. The heat of the debate is linked to the fact that the cross is such a strong symbol.
- 81.
At length on symbolic communication and its function Babendererde (2004), P. 51 ff. with examples from court practices in the late Middle Ages.
- 82.
On the symbolic effects of clothing generally in the law Kocher (1986), P. 407 f.
- 83.
Generally on the symbolic meaning of special clothing at court Watkin (2004), P. 151 ff. inter alia
- 84.
Gephart (2006), P. 254, draws attention to this similarity and in ibid, P. 257, even talks about he “judge-priest”.
- 85.
On this with examples Watkin (2004), P. 162 f.
- 86.
Sherwin (2000), P. 73 ff.
- 87.
Similarly Siehr (2005), P. 546, who ascribes a symbolic dimension to every law per se.
- 88.
- 89.
- 90.
Kindermann (1989a), P. 229.
- 91.
On the communicative effect of longer legal texts Struck (2001), P. 382 f.
- 92.
On the symbolic character of legal language Edelman (2005), P. 174.
- 93.
- 94.
- 95.
Legal language is characterised by long sentences, circumlocutions, new coinages, chains of nouns and gerunds. That makes it hard to understand. On this at length and in detail Hansen-Schirra/Neumann (2004), P. 169 ff. inter alia; Schendera (2004), P. 321 ff. inter alia. Thoroughly on legal language as a specialist language from a judicial viewpoint Neumann (1992), P. 110 ff., and from a linguistic viewpoint Wimmer (1998), P. 8 ff.
- 96.
Similarly Enzensberger (2004), P. 83: “Lack of intelligibility is part of the aura of the law”. Only an incomprehensible legal language is suitable as the language of the rulers. Fish (2004), P. 85 ff., refers to another reason for the formalised and hard to follow legal language: lack of comprehension and formalism guarantee the law its autonomy.
- 97.
Whether the law and legal language in a democracy should be easier to understand is a hotly discussed issue. Very strongly in favour of better overall comprehensibility of laws as a democratic argument is Klein (2004), P. 197 ff. On this using the example of the German constitutional law, Häberle (2004), P. 155 ff. More sophisticated on being understandable as a requirement on legislators Lerch (2004), P. 239 ff. inter alia On the comprehensibility of legal language very thoroughly and in detail Hoffmann (1992), P. 124 ff. with informative examples. Christensen (2004), P. 21 ff., stresses the task of the courts in making the law comprehensible. But whether the courts actually fulfil this task in practice is doubtful.
- 98.
On this Noll (1981), P. 356 f.
- 99.
At length and critically on the symbolic function of the German Constitutional Court Massing (1989), P. 235 ff. inter alia This court enjoys a very level of institutional trust among the population. At length on this Vorländer/Brodocz (2006), P. 261 ff., on the basis of a broadly representative poll. This is explained – as Vorländer/Brodocz (2006), P. 294, correctly assume – by its function as a symbol.
- 100.
- 101.
- 102.
Wesel (2003), P. 604 ff.
- 103.
Wesel (2004), P. 139 f.
- 104.
Wesel (2003), P. 611 f. with examples from UN history.
- 105.
Greenhouse (1989), P. 1640, goes further and ascribes a mythical dimension to the law.
- 106.
Similarly Luhmann (1993), P. 129 ff. inter alia
- 107.
- 108.
Generally on the symbolic content of legal standards Raiser (2007), P. 243 ff.
- 109.
On this Raiser (2007), P. 249 f. inter alia
- 110.
On this using the example of the symbolic environmental law Lübbe-Wolff (2000), P. 25. Symbolic laws can however be effective in other non-legal areas – such as politics, socially or in industry - and can be important. Very critically on symbolic law, that cannot be nor even should be applied, Bryde (1993), P. 13 ff., who in ibid, P. 17 f., the principle of equality and the principle of proportionality even deduces a “constitutional ban” on symbolic laws.
- 111.
An overview of the history of the concept and various facets of this phenomenon is given by Newig (2003), P. 32 ff. inter alia The terminology is not always standard. On this Siehr (2005), P. 548 f. inter alia, and Kindermann (1989a), P. 225, who wants to make a clear distinction between symbolic legislation and symbolic law. At on symbolic criminal law Hassemer (1989), P. 554 ff.
- 112.
- 113.
Another example is abortion legislation. On this Kindermann (1989a), P. 231 f.
- 114.
Newig (2003), P. 51, and even earlier Noll (1981), P. 361, who uses mainly the terrorist legislation of the seventies of the last century as an example. Gusfield (1986), P. 117 ff., illustrates this using the prohibition laws in the USA at the start of the 20th century. Examples for this from the seventies of the last century are given by Hegenbarth (1981), P. 202 ff. A particularly revolting example of a symbolic law is the Nazi regime’s “Law on measures of state self-defence” of 3 July 1934. On this Struck (2001), P. 379.
- 115.
Kindermann (1989), P. 268, talks in this special case of the symbolic legislation of the “Alibi law”. Hegenbarth (1981), P. 204, sees a fragile link between symbolic laws and the legislator losing touch with reality. Whether all his examples for this are convincing is doubtful. But this theory is at least plausible, that symbolic legislation and fictitious political solutions to problems have the inherent risk that in the long-term, the fiction and not the reality become the standard for action.
- 116.
This category of symbolic legislation is proposed by Newig (2003), P. 52 f. inter alia.
- 117.
Rehbinder (2009), end of P. 202 stresses that in some political situations the parties involved believe an ineffective solution is better than no law at all. Then the law has solely a symbolic function. But Schild (1986), P. 198 f. points out correctly that therefore even symbolic laws (can) have an actual effect. Against an across-the-board under-estimation of symbolic laws also Bryde (1987), P. 37, who reports that in post-colonial Africa modern laws often had a mainly symbolic function: they symbolised modernity and sovereignty. So criticising them as ineffective instruments is selling them short.
- 118.
Noll (1981), P. 350 ff., who uses informative examples of this from recent legal history.
- 119.
On this Röhl/Röhl (2008), P. 222.
- 120.
- 121.
- 122.
Therefore Schink (2000), P. 138 f., judges the symbolic standards of the Law on recycling waste too negatively. Overall the matching of the content of the legal standards with the attitudes of the general population is an important factor in the effectiveness of the law. The higher the congruence, the more the standard will be applied voluntarily – and vice-versa. On the Knowledge and Opinion about Law-research, which looked at these relationships, at length Raiser (2007), P. 258 ff. ff., 327 ff.
- 123.
Schink (2000), P. 103 using the example of environmental law.
- 124.
- 125.
Thiel/Thome (1987), P. 29.
- 126.
Similarly Thiel/Thome (1987), P. 29, who see the resolutions therefore – certainly a bit too optimistically – as a contemporary “tool for imposing interests in a non-violent way against sovereign states”.
- 127.
Wesel (2004), P. 176 starts to develop a rule, by which the effectiveness of resolutions can be forecast. Resolutions are more effective when the states being addressed are smaller and weaker and the more clear and unambiguous is the infringement of the policy and laws of the UN.
- 128.
- 129.
Falk/Strauss (2001), P. 212 talk graphically of a “mobilization of shame”.
- 130.
Luhmann (1993), P. 581 brings it sharply to the point by saying “that laws are only validated and come into force when they are broken and this creates indignation”. A classic example for the implementation of Soft Law using public scandal was the “Brent Star Campaign” by Greenpeace. See on this Bonus/Bayer (2000), P. 291. At length on creating a scandal as a means of implementing law and its limits Fischer-Lescano (2002), P. 359 ff.
- 131.
This risk is pointed out by Kindermann (1989), P. 270, very decisively.
- 132.
Informative on this Siehr (2005), P. 554 ff. inter alia, who wants to measure symbolic laws constitutionally using the principle of proportionality and the principle of equality. In doing this she however misjudges the area of legislative intervention available to a democratically elected and legitimised Parliament.
- 133.
Boehm (2001), P. 11 ff. notes a “return of images”. At length on this see above Chap. 3.1.
- 134.
Boehme-Neßler (2003b), P. 530 ff. inter alia.
- 135.
- 136.
Psychology has proven that it is impossible to communicate orally without sending simultaneous non-verbal signals. See on this Zimbardo (1992), P. 336 inter alia. On the concept and appearance of non-verbal communication Frindte (2001), P. 97 f. inter alia At length on non-verbal communication from a socio-psychological angle Aronson et al. (2004), P. 103 ff.
- 137.
On the communicative function of acting Eibl-Eibesfeldt/Sütterlin (1992), P. 371 ff. How important acting is in communication is shown by the emoticons in online communication. Because comments cannot be perceived in chats or in email communication, users work with symbols which are derived from acting and visualise emotional states. The “original emoticon” is the well- and widely known Smiley. At length on this Roessler (2000), P. 511 ff. inter alia.
- 138.
Quite often gestures are found in a ritualised form in social communication. On this using an example from ancient Rome Flaig (2004), P. 99 ff.
- 139.
On these so-called kinetic symbols from the angle of theatrical semiotics Fischer-Lichte (2003), P. 47 ff. inter alia Fischer-Lichte (2003a), P. 131 ff., provides an example of a concrete analysis of a production, how kinetic symbols are used in theatre productions – and how they can be interpreted.
- 140.
On this Zimbardo (1992), P. 335 f. inter alia. Eibl-Eibesfeldt (1997), P. 676, stresses that most – not all – acted expressions are universal. They are therefore understood across frontiers, even across cultural divides. That is an important factor, among others, which explains their importance for communication.
- 141.
- 142.
- 143.
- 144.
On this Perritt (1994), P. 1072 ff.
- 145.
- 146.
On this Röhl/Ulbrich (2000), P. 365.
- 147.
On this Collins/Skover (1992), P. 540 ff.
- 148.
Thoroughly on the models already used commonly in practice and their problems Noack (1998), P. 2533 ff.
- 149.
At length on this using the example of emission protection legal processes Henhapl/Roßnagel/Schroeder (1999), P. 13 ff.
- 150.
Seminal on this the considerations in Roßnagel/Schroeder (1999) pass.
- 151.
Very informative on this Brunner/Neuss/Schroeder (1999), P. 189 ff.
- 152.
On the visual construction of texts from a typographic viewpoint Gorbach (2005), P. 296 ff. with striking examples.
- 153.
Thus very decisively Röhl/Ulbrich (2000), P. 364.
- 154.
Röhl (2005), P. 248.
- 155.
Röhl (2005), P. 248.
- 156.
Röhl/Ulbrich (2000), P. 365 point out that particularly construction law publications which deal with spatial relationships, are the pioneers in the use of graphical presentation in legal literature.
- 157.
Thoroughly on the necessity of using “image books” in legal training, Brunschwig, 2001a, 363 ff. inter alia
- 158.
Referred to by Röhl/Ulbrich (2000), P. 365 inter alia.
- 159.
- 160.
Heinrich von Kleist’s Michael Kohlhaas or Franz Kafka’s The Trial are famous examples. A modern example is analysed by Porsdam (1999), P. 39 ff.: Tom Wolfe’s The Bonfire of the Vanities from 1987.
- 161.
Thoroughly on the law and justice as a theme in painting Fehr (1923), P. 20 ff. At length more recently Schild (1988), P. 130. A salient theme in this is the Last Judgement. On this Carlen (1995b), P. 249 ff. God as judge is a widespread theme in art. On this Schild (1988a), P. 44 ff. with many examples.
- 162.
- 163.
In the front line here are courtroom films, where law is shown directly in practice. Seminally on this Rafter (2000), P. 93 ff., who uncovers the characteristics and developments in court room dramas. An image of the law from other perspectives is also shown by the widespread police and prison films. At length on these genres Rafter (2000), P. 71 ff.; 117 ff. An overview of American court films comes from Bergmann/Asimov (2006).
- 164.
On the image of the law portrayed in American TV-series, Friedman (1989), P. 1598 ff.
- 165.
At length on the genesis of court-shows since 1981 in the US Porsdam (1999), P. 92 ff.
- 166.
Carlen (1995b), P. 257 f. inter alia. An image of lawyers in the wider sense can also be found in the literature, both fiction and expert.
- 167.
Particularly well-known are the biting caricatures by Honoré de Daumier. On their presentation and analysis by Gephart (2006), P. 260 ff. inter alia Even earlier Gustav Radbruch (1954), P. 115 f., studied Daumier and respected him as a clear-sighted cultural critic and moral philosopher. At length on this also Radbruch (1947), P. 19 ff. With a discussion of some individual caricatures. Other artists were just as critical and ironic. On this Carlen (1995b), P. 258 with examples. On Gustav Klimt as a painter of legal images Gephart (2006), P. 271 ff. inter alia. At length on the criticism of the current law in art of the modern era Latz (1988), P. 222 ff.
- 168.
- 169.
The handy distinction between images in the law and images of the law was coined by Röhl (2005), P. 247 f
- 170.
Thoroughly on the effect of modern media and the research into this effect Merten (1994), P. 291 ff. inter alia
- 171.
Thus very pointedly Hickethier (2003), P. 230.
- 172.
See on this the list from Hickethier (2003), P. 230 ff. inter alia
- 173.
- 174.
Hickethier (2003), P. 231.
- 175.
On the upheavals in the information structures of American business and society caused by the electronic media Altheide (1985), P. 97 ff.
- 176.
- 177.
Elsner u. a. (1994), P. 184 f. inter alia. Thoroughly on how mass media shape the concept of reality – and therefore reality itself, Fiske (1987), pass., who uncovers and investigates the characteristics of a television culture and how they influence society.
- 178.
- 179.
At length on this Asimow/Mader (2004), P. 15, 54 ff.
- 180.
- 181.
- 182.
Live reporting from courtrooms is mainly widespread in the US. At length on Court-TV in the USA Thaler (1994), P. 55 ff. In Germany the possibilities of being reported live from a court proceedings are very restricted thanks to section 169 P. 2 GVG (Court Judicature Act) and Sect 55 VwGO (Administrative Court Procedures Code). At length on this Kuß (1999), 225 ff.
- 183.
On this Boehme-Neßler (2003b), P. 532.
- 184.
- 185.
There is only one exception for the case where specific evidence of negative influence on proceedings exists. At length on this Goldfarb (1998), P. 61 ff. And there is a further exception for the processes in the Supreme Court itself. No TV cameras are permitted there. Critical on this Brodocz (2007), P. 193 ff.
- 186.
Chandler vs. Florida, 449 U.S. 560 (1981). In the case of Estes vs. Texas, 381 U.S. 532 (1965) the Supreme Court in 1965 had expressly decided and argued against it. At length and very critical on this decision Sherwin (2000), P. 152 ff. inter alia and – tending to agree - Goldfarb (1998), P. 56 ff.
- 187.
The German constitutional court sees this quite differently: BVerfGE 103, 44, 68. But cannot provide empirical evidence for its opinion. Gephart (2006), P. 278, maintains – also without any empirical basis – “that people just change when in front of a camera or tape recorder which is running”.
- 188.
Gehring (1998), P. 8 ff., quotes socio-psychological studies which refute the negative impact of TV cameras in court rooms. Goldfarb (1998), P. 96 ff., argues similarly on the basis of empirical studies – although fewer of them. From a legal point of view Sherwin (2000), P. 154 ff., contradicts energetically, but without going into the empirical materials. Gerhardt (1998), P. 528, is also sceptical but only on the basis of his personal experience.
- 189.
- 190.
At length on the genre of the court-show Brauer (2007), P. 34 ff.
- 191.
That media do and how they shape public opinion, is shown by Lenz (2003), P. 169 ff., with the Example of American legal policy, which – not only, but also – is influenced by the image of justice at the cinema and on American television. Thoroughly on the impact of television Gerbner (2000), P. 111 ff., McCombs (2000), P. 123 ff. and Rubin (2000), P. 137 ff.
- 192.
Similarly Barber (1987), P. 95 ff., on the basis of empirically studies. More reticently the report of the New York State Committee about reporting from courtrooms in 1997: New York State Committee (1997), P. 69 ff.
- 193.
At length on this Porsdam (1999), P. 105 f.
- 194.
- 195.
But this is the focus from which the problem is discussed in the German literature. See on this only Kuß (1999), pass. At length on the concerns and possible risks which are involved in live reporting Barber (1987), P. 36 ff. inter alia, although she, ibid, P. 86 f., does not see the risks being realised in practice. Same thing from an empirical point of view the New York State Committee (1997), P. 75 ff.
- 196.
- 197.
Gehring (1998), P. 9 inter alia.
- 198.
Thus in the results of the New York State Committee (1997), P. 74 ff. Although there can be differences between the different parties involved in the case. Judge and lawyers tend not to be influenced, for witnesses and defendant it might possibly be different. That seems to come out of empirical studies on which Barber (1987), P. 72 ff. reports at length.
- 199.
One exception is that the court channels of US-American TV actually broadcast cases uncut and live.
- 200.
At length on the selection and filtering of reality by TV see below Chap. 7.1.2.
- 201.
Empirical research by Thym (2003), P. 121 f. shows using the example of court shows that television images have an effect on the audience’s conception of a case. Thoroughly on how television affects the points of view of its audience and frequently is dominant in shaping them, Gerbner et al (2002), P. 203 ff. inter alia and empirical material. At length on this also Chap. 7.1.2.
- 202.
- 203.
- 204.
On this Garapon (1996), P. 233 ff. using the example of crimes where children are the victims.
- 205.
- 206.
- 207.
Gerhardt (1990), P. 26, 29 f.
- 208.
- 209.
This conclusion can be supported by the results of the studies by Gerhardt et al (2007), P. 38, and Kepplinger/Zerback (2009), P. 216 ff. Wagner (1987), P. 87 ff., had earlier collected indications from the practice of criminal law that supported this theory. Similarly also New York State Committee (1997), P. 79 f.
- 210.
An example of this is given by Hamm (1997), P. 67.
- 211.
- 212.
Similarly also the German constitutional court NJW 2000, 1021, 1024 – Caroline I: “informing opinion and entertainment are not contradictory”.
- 213.
- 214.
Details on the documentary-fictional cross-breeds on television from Hickethier (2001), P. 204 ff.
- 215.
Similarly Spiesel/Sherwin/Feigenson (2005), P. 235 with an example from American television.
- 216.
These and similar examples are given by Gerbner/Gross (2002), P. 232 f.
- 217.
Brauer (2007), P. 66.
- 218.
Similarly Spiesel/Sherwin/Feigenson (2005), P. 237, who show other strategies for credibility.
- 219.
On this Podlas (2001), P. 21 f.
- 220.
Similarly Spiesel/Sherwin/Feigenson (2005), P. 236. Informative on this is the empirical study by Podlas (2001), P. 11 ff., which documents the significant effects of the court-shows. A similar conclusion is reached by Machura (2007), P. 93 f., also based on an empirical study. At length and earlier, on how television shapes ideas of the law and the system of justice Thaler (1994), P. 6 ff.
- 221.
At length on this Cultivation theory Gerbner (2000), P. 111 ff. inter alia
- 222.
Gerbner et al. (2002), P. 203. At length on the formation of opinions by TV see below Chap. 7.1.2.
- 223.
Gehring (1998), P. 9 inter alia Striking examples given by Gerbner/Gross (2002), P. 232 and Röhl (2005), P. 252 inter alia. At length and more sophisticated on this Thym (2003), P. 65 ff. What matches this is that people who watch a lot of TV think society is much more violent than it actually is. On this Gerbner (2000), P. 111 f. inter alia and Gerbner et al (2002), P. 203 talk in this context about “mean world syndrome”.
- 224.
Thaler (1994), P. 10.
- 225.
Machura (2007), P. 98 f. On the basis of an empirical study.
- 226.
Informative on this Thym (2003), P. 15 ff. who shows in detail, just how far from reality the current court shows on German TV are.
- 227.
Machura (2006), P. 174 ff. rather comes to the conclusion that court shows do not undermine the confidence of the viewer in justice. Thyn (2003), P. 121 ff. comes to a partly differing conclusion. But both studies are of limited significance. They are not based on a representative survey, but on samples where only students were questioned.
- 228.
Similarly from a socio-psychological viewpoint Aronson u. a. (2004), P. 238.
- 229.
Keil (2005), P. 138. On this also see above Chap. 3.5.7. and 3.6.
- 230.
Aronson et al (2004), P. 238 ff. inter alia
- 231.
- 232.
Informative on this Reske (1995), P. 14, who discusses this problem using the example of younger jury members who are not reached by pleading without images.
- 233.
At length on this Sherwin (2000), P. 41 ff., who looks closely at the rhetoric of legal story-telling in the courtroom.
- 234.
- 235.
- 236.
At length on the communicative importance of mimicry from an anthropological viewpoint Eibl-Eibesfeldt (1997), P. 619 ff. inter alia, and from the neuro-biological aspect Roth (2003), P. 418 f. inter alia. The communicative importance of acting is investigated by Boehm (2007), P. 21 ff. On the importance and necessity of ritual acts in Ancient Rome at length Flaig (2004), P. 99 ff. inter alia
- 237.
Hibbitts (1992), P. 911.
- 238.
On the importance of acting, mime and dance in performing cultures Hibbitts (1992), P. 906 ff.
- 239.
- 240.
Thus correctly Johnson (2006), P. 247 f. A very striking example from court practice is shown by Tufte (1990), P. 31: a matrix, in which defenders have written the previous offences of various witnesses against their client. The visual impact is strong and permanently destroys the credibility of the witnesses. Various visual instrument are compared by Ciccone (1986), P. 17 ff.
- 241.
Johnson (2006), P. 248.
- 242.
At length on the use of maps in the McDermott case (1986), P. 56 ff.
- 243.
Informative Kantor (1999), P. 105 ff.
- 244.
Katsh (1995), P. 161, correctly points this out.
- 245.
On this Katsh (1995), P. 161 f.
- 246.
Roßnagel/Schroeder (1999), P. 13 ff., who also carried out a practical simulation study they present.
- 247.
Critical about this development Girsberger (2000), P. 236 f. and Scheuermann (1999), P. 6 ff.
- 248.
Schierl (2001), P. 197 f.
- 249.
Streeck (2006), P. 69.
- 250.
Schmidt (2000), P. 236: “…imperative images…do not tell things how they are, but how they ought to be…“
- 251.
Streeck (2006), P. 70.
- 252.
The legal system is deliberately a “slower”, less dynamic part of society. That has disadvantages, but also major advantages. At length on the timing functions of the law Boehme-Neßler (2008), P. 482 ff.
- 253.
- 254.
- 255.
See on this only Mitchell (1994), P. 69 inter alia. At length on this see above Chap. 3.7.
- 256.
Thus, correctly Katsh (1995), P. 157.
- 257.
An example of this is graphical posters both from advertising and art. On this Paul (2005), P. 73 ff.
- 258.
Generally courts still struggle with the admission of evidence when dealing with digitally generated objects. An important example in practice is the admissibility of emails. Thoroughly on this Roßnagel/Pfitzmann (2003), P. 1209 ff.
- 259.
- 260.
Co-operation between the law and aesthetics is nothing new. In the area of artistic freedom and satire, for example, courts repeatedly have to get involved in standards and evaluations of aesthetics. On the relationship of law and aesthetics very informatively Frankenberg (2004), P. 7 ff. But it is different again, when an image is not the subject of a case, but is a piece of evidence.
- 261.
At length on this see above Chap. 3.5.2.
- 262.
This theory of the increasing rationality of the law was developed by Max Weber (1972), P. 456 ff., using copious legal-anthropological and comparative law materials. Rehbinder (2009), P. 92 inter alia, talks about a “Trend to wards making the law more learned”. On the rationality of the law also Luhmann (1993), P. 275, P. 562 ff.
- 263.
Max Weber (1972), P. 459 f.
- 264.
Wesel (1985), P. 342 for segmented societies.
- 265.
- 266.
Luhmann (1993), P. 563 f.
- 267.
On the importance of codification for the rationality of law Max Weber (1972), P. 488.
- 268.
Similarly Raiser (2007), P. 98.
- 269.
On the internal dynamics of legal concepts Röhl/Röhl (2008), P. 71 ff.
- 270.
At length on the criticism of the excesses of development of concepts in jurisprudence Rüthers (1999), P. 463 ff.
- 271.
Großfeld (1995), P. 41 f., stresses the danger of (too) abstract thought for jurisprudence. Therefore he pleads in favour of visual thinking in the law, so that the law remains in contact with real life and is able to fulfil its role.
- 272.
Similarly Röhl/Röhl (2008), P. 69.
- 273.
Luhmann (1993), P. 345, stresses correctly that in fact taking all circumstances into account is of course not possible. Therefore he deems the method of each case on its merits not usable.
- 274.
Röhl/Röhl (2008), P. 665.
- 275.
Thus very emphatically Röhl/Röhl (2008), P. 665.
- 276.
On the personality cult of the image media Luhmann (1996), P. 66 ff. inter alia; Postman (1999), P. 151 f. On the history of presentation of faces in the media Schulz (2007), P. 293 f. Macho (1996), P. 107 ascribes to modern society a ”Hyper-dominance of faces”. On the cultural historical importance of faces Eibl-Eibesfeldt/Sütterlin (1992), P. 283 ff., 371 ff.
- 277.
- 278.
Röhl/Ulbrich (2000), P. 382 f. inter alia. In Franz Kafka‘s TheTrial this concept it taken to its inhuman extreme.
- 279.
Schild (1995), P. 197, who challenges critically this interpretation of the blindfold. The interpretation of the blindfold has not always been the same. It depended on cultural and political context and conditions. The current interpretation – blindfold as a symbol of even-handedness and equal treatment before the law – grew up in Europe only in the 16th and 17th centuries. In earlier centuries the blindfold was rather seen as a symbol for the arbitrariness and power-obsession of the legal system which was blind to real justice. On this Asimow/Mader (2004), P. 9 f. Similarly Collins/Skover (1992), P. 546 inter alia, who points to the widespread tradition in the USA of an “open-eyed” Justitia.
- 280.
Katsh (1995), P. 164.
- 281.
This trend is seen even more clearly and for longer in election campaign reporting: political topics are more and more strongly reported via personalities. At length on this Jucknat (2007), P. 147 ff. But this is – as Jucknat (2007), P. 153 ff., show on the basis of extensive empirical materials – in no way linked to a lack of thematic material.
- 282.
At length on this Gerhardt (1998), P. 515 ff. Wagner (1987), P. 81 ff., talks vividly about these cases, that the defence is trying to turn the journalists into their friends. Critical on this Hamm (1997), P. 117 f. Informative and striking examples from Wagner (1987), P. 104 ff., in three case studies.
- 283.
At length on “litigation PR” as a strategic instrument in legal quarrels Holzinger/Wolff (2009), P. 19 ff. inter alia and pass.
- 284.
- 285.
- 286.
Wagner (1987), P. 90 ff.
- 287.
On an example of this Hamm (1997), P. 67.
- 288.
- 289.
- 290.
This is strongly criticised by Schulze-Fielitz (1997), P. 29 f., as being an infringement of the rule of law, using the example of the personalised criticism of the decisions of the German constitutional court.
- 291.
At length on how celebrities are created by the media and then struck down again, Fröhlich et al (2007), P. 143 ff.
- 292.
If and how far the law is actually objective at all is in itself a very problematic and controversial question, which will not be pursued here.
- 293.
Parallel to the personalisation of the law we can also note an ever increasing personalisation in politics in general and of elections in particular. At length on this finding, for example, Jucknat (2007), P. 147 ff. inter alia. On this also Klein (2005), P. 207 ff. inter alia, who looks at the influence of the two TV-face-to-face debates on the outcome of the German Parliament elections in 2002. Unlike many critics of this development, Lübbe (2004), P. 153, sees it as being mainly positive. Because the decision of the voters is necessarily a decision of trust. And trust is easier to generate for an individual person than for an abstract idea or party. Also Jucknat (2007), P. 159, sees the development of ample political arguments.
- 294.
On the importance of trust for the law in general Raiser (2007), P. 327 ff.
- 295.
Raiser (2007), P. 327.
- 296.
At length on the close connection between acceptance and trust Lucke (1995), P. 31 ff. inter alia
- 297.
- 298.
Thoroughly on the importance of faces in modern society Macho (1996), P. 87 ff., who in ibid, P. 107, even talks about the “hyper-dominance of faces”.
- 299.
This is predicted by Katsh (1989), P. 15.
- 300.
- 301.
Boehme-Neßler (2003a), P. 127.
- 302.
- 303.
- 304.
Dramatising has long been known as a form of presentation and composition in art. On this Shusterman (2001), P. 126 ff. inter alia.
- 305.
- 306.
That is the horror scenario from Garapon (1996), P. 235 ff.
- 307.
At length on this Boehme-Neßler (2003a), P. 126 ff. inter alia.
- 308.
Similarly Meyer (2001), P. 108. But critical on this research approach is Saxer (2007), P. 38, 84 f. Distance has an importance in human society which should not be under-estimated. In all human societies distance exists – as well as closeness. Distance is an anthropological constant. This also has some phylogenetic reasons. At length on this Eibl-Eibesfeldt (1997), P. 475 ff. inter alia
- 309.
Just how much mass media actually shape daily life is shown time and again by empirical studies. Informative on this Fritz/Klingler (2003), P. 12 ff., who present and analyse the results of the ARD/ZDF (German TV) Study on Mass communication 2000.
- 310.
It gets forgotten in this that TV images are artistic results of a production process which on the whole have nothing to do with everyday reality. On this Meyer (2001), P. 109 f.
- 311.
- 312.
Meyer et al. (2000), P. 62.
- 313.
On this see above Chap. 3.5.6.
- 314.
There are a series of remarkable similarities between Internet culture and oral culture. At length on this Matussek (2001), P. 323 ff., and Wandhoff (2003), P. 53 ff. inter alia. Flusser (2007), P. 53 ff. presents the theory that the return to orality is the return to normal conditions, which was just interrupted by 400 years of the modern era – distinguished by literacy and printed books. Also on interesting parallels between the oral communication landscape of the Middle Ages and the multi-media of the internet age Wandhoff (2003), P. 40 ff. inter alia
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Boehme-Neßler, V. (2011). The Law and Images – A Difficult Relationship. In: Pictorial Law. Springer, Berlin, Heidelberg. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-11889-0_4
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