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Water Institutional Reforms in Tajikistan

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The Politics of Water Institutional Reform in Neopatrimonial States

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Abstract

This chapter presents the case study on Tajikistan. Its structure is similar to the one on Kyrgyzstan: First, the key political actors in water governance will be described (7.1). Then an overview of the perceptions of the problem will be given and the general policy objectives presented (7.2). The subsequent subchapters deal with the various reforms: the formulation of a policy (7.3.1), the reform of the general legal framework (7.3.2), the introduction of irrigation service fees (7.3.3), and the transfer of irrigation management (7.3.4). In the following discussion of the water institutional reforms, the influence of the neopatrimonial institutional context on the above-mentioned processes and outcomes will be analyzed (chapter 7.4). The final subchapter will summarize the findings of the case study (ch. 7.3.5).

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References

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  10. Ibid.

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  21. Other laws, which will not be presented in detail but that affect water management, are the Law on Mineral Resources, Law on Energetics, Land Code, Law on Payment for Land, Law On State Sanitary Inspection, Forest Code, Law On Veterinary Inspection, Law on Protection and Use of Fauna, Civil Code, Criminal Code, and the annual state budget (Kholmatov 2003: 153).

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  29. For example, there is a conflict at the Kairakum reservoir: The dam is in the budget of the OblVodKhoz, while the attached GES is listed in the budget of the Ministry of Energetics. All the costs for dam maintenance have to be covered by the OblVodKhoz, while the Ministry of Energetics does not contribute even though it uses the dam to produce energy, which is perceived as unjust by water officials. Author’s interview with the director of the Sughd OblVodKhoz, Khudjand, 09/02/2004.

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  32. Vice-director of MinVodKhoz, Dushanbe, 10/09/2003: 8–9%; senior official at the MinVodKhoz, Dushanbe, 10/10/2003: until 2000: 15–18%; 2000: over 20%, 2001: 40%, 2002: 56%; senior official at the CFPS, Dushanbe, 10/13/2003: about 50%; director of a RaiVodKhoz, Sughd oblast, 09/01/2003: about 30%; director of the Sughd OblVodKhoz, Khudjand, 09/02/2004: 50–60%.

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  41. Sometimes WUAs are established after rehabilitation to maitain the new technique; sometimes the establishment of the WUA is a precondition before rehabilitation starts. The registration costs are often either covered fully or partly by the donor. Occasionally farmers have to cover the costs fully themselves (ACTED 2005, Winrock International 2005).

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  48. For an exemplary curriculum see Rakhmatilloev 2003: 107.

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  50. Also with the new Law On WUAs, the legal situation remains ambiguous: In 2007, a new Law on Public Associations was approved and its relevance for WUAs is unclear. Email communication with project officer of INGO, 06/21/2007. And it was also clear before the WUA law was issued that it will not provide clear rules for all WUAs, as not all WUAs which were established by donors fit into the prescriptions of the law (Winrock International 2005: 7).

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  58. Similar statements were made by two other senior official at the MinVodKhoz, Dushanbe, 08/20/2004; an NGO representative, Khudjand, 09/03/2003; and a professor at an academic institute, Dushanbe, 09/07/2004.

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  61. According to IOM, since 2000 about 632,000 men from Tajikistan have worked abroad as migrant laborers (that is almost 10% of the entire population). 84% work in Russia. (AAH 2003: 17).

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  69. There are also exceptions. The IWRM Fergana project (of SDC, IWMI and NIZ-MKVK) e.g. involves the Sughd OblVodKhoz (Author’s interview with director of OblVodKhoz, Khudjand, 09/02/2004).

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© 2009 VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften | GWV Fachverlage GmbH, Wiesbaden

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(2009). Water Institutional Reforms in Tajikistan. In: The Politics of Water Institutional Reform in Neopatrimonial States. VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-531-91377-3_7

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