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Apprenticeship: Between Theory and Practice, School and Workplace

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The Future of Vocational Education and Training in a Changing World

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Notes

  1. 1.

    I would like to thank Matthias Pilz, Uschi Backes-Gellner, Simone Beer, Reinhard Bispinck, Marius Busemeyer, Thomas Deissinger, Philipp Gonon, Ewart Keep, Eva Kuda, David Paulson, Lisa Rustico, Peter Senker, Silvia Teuber, Michele Tirabsochi, Karin Wagner, Felix Wenzelmann, and participants in the Cologne conference for comments, suggestions and other assistance.

  2. 2.

    Similar definitions are used by Steedman et al. (1998, p. 11) and Wolter and Ryan (2011, pp. 522 et seq.).

  3. 3.

    The categories ‘Britain’ and ‘England’ are here used as broad substitutes. The devolution of training responsibilities and the ensuing divergence of training practices in Scotland and Northern Ireland from those in England and Wales during the past decade means however that the developments described here for that period may strictly speaking apply only to England and Wales (here, ‘England’).

  4. 4.

    Participants in the Apprenticeships programme must spend a minimum amount of their time away from their immediate job station, undertaking Guided Learning Hours. The minimum number of Hours is currently being increased, from 90 in 2004 to 280 (per year of training). The requirement can be met through part-time vocational education, but that is not required, as supervised study, self-instruction and even assessors’ time can be counted toward it. No data are available on the share of Apprentices who receive part-time vocational education at a further education college (BIS, 2009; Ryan et al. 2006, Table 1).

  5. 5.

    The second difficulty – distinguishing between apprenticeship and school-based vocational education – can be illustrated by OECD’s criterion for classifying programmes of vocational education as ‘combined school and work-based’ (and potentially therefore as ‘apprenticeship’): that at least 25% of the learner’s time be spent at the workplace. Programmes that are heavily classroom-based, with as little as one day per week spent at a workplace – such as work experience placements – are included. The difficulty causes limited concern, however, as such programmes appear to be rare, and typically aimed at lower secondary pupils (OECD, 2008, p. 325; Wolter and Ryan, 2011).

  6. 6.

    A further indirect benefit of apprenticeship for learning is the incentive to pupils in lower secondary schooling to learn more, in order to improve their chances of admission to a desirable apprenticeship programme (Soskice, 1994).

  7. 7.

    The dual ideal is diluted in practice by the growth of co-operative training, which sees groups of employers, typically small and medium-sized ones, contract to provide the off-the-job component of training, in whole or part. Such arrangements are particularly widespread in engineering in Switzerland and Britain (Gospel and Foreman, 2006; Muehlemann et al., 2007, ch. 10). Dilution comes close to destruction in the more extreme situation, widespread in England’s Apprenticeships programme, in which a specialist training company takes overall responsibility for the training programme (Lewis and Ryan, 2009).

  8. 8.

    Some large German employers, including retail firms, are allowed nowadays to satisfy the requirement for part-time vocational education with facilities of their own rather than Berufsschulen.

  9. 9.

    ‘Thus the peak employers’ association holds that ‘for some sectors and firms – notably the ‘traditional’ apprenticeship sectors such as engineering – a significant part of the apprentices’ training will take place off-the-job. But for others, most training will be more effectively undertaken on-the-job… learning currently takes place in a variety of ways and locations… the workplace is a different learning environment from the classroom… more must be done to ensure the programme meets business needs’ (CBI, 2009, p. 2). Such views, in treating the classroom and the workplace as antithetical rather than complementary sources of learning, clearly reject the ideal that governs this paper.

  10. 10.

    Discussions of the issues surrounding ‘competence’ include Wolf (1995) and Winterton (2009).

  11. 11.

    ‘… an [Apprenticeship] agreement is not to be treated, for common law or statutory purposes, as being a contract of apprenticeship (as recognised at common law) but is instead to be treated as being a contract of service [i.e., employment]’ (Parliament, 2009, Part 1, Ch. 1, Section 35, #71). An exception to the requirement that Apprentices hold an employment contract has already been made, however, for athletes in training for the 2012 Olympic Games, who are publicly supported by the Apprenticeships programme despite not being trained by an employer (http://nds.coi.gov.uk/content/Detail.aspx?ReleaseID=416250&NewsAreaID=2; accessed 7 July 2011).

  12. 12.

    In Flett v. Matheson (2006), the Court of Appeal decided that a participant in the (Modern) Apprenticeships programme could validly claim the contractual status of apprentice under common law, and as such, if laid off during the training period, be entitled to compensation from the employer not only for loss of pay during the remainder of the period, but also for loss of future earning power as a result of not being fully trained (Bowers, 2009, pp. 240 et seq.; Indicator, 2007, pp. 5 et seq.). The 2009 Act bars such claims by denying to Apprentices the status of apprentice under common law. The motive for the change in contractual status is indicated by the official statement that accompanied the draft legislation: ‘… we will ensure that the system is sufficiently flexible not to place additional burdens on employers other than a requirement to enter into an apprenticeship [sic] agreement’ (DCSF/DIUS, 2008, p. 2).

  13. 13.

    The 2009 Act also indicates the dominance of (narrowly conceived) employers’ interests in the organisation of Apprenticeships: the principle that the apprentice’s right to complete training should have priority has been trumped by expediency, as represented by the government’s efforts to increase participation by employers.

  14. 14.

    DIUS/DCSF (2009). The importance of employee status in the Apprenticeships programme has been increased also by the rise in the number of entrants who are already employed by the relevant employer on joining the programme – a tendency currently being intensified by the conversion of funding and participation from other adult training programmes (notably Train to Gain) to the Apprenticeships programme (Fuller and Unwin, 2011).

  15. 15.

    ‘Das Ausbildungsverhältnis ist kein Arbeitsverhältnis. Auf den Berufsausbildungsvertrag sind aber arbeitsrechtliche Rechtsvorschriften und Rechtsgrundsätze anwendbar…’ (Kull and Bitmann, 2006, p. 1; see also Weiss and Schmidt 2008, § 139). For Switzerland, however, Berenstein and Mahon (2001, § 175-76) assert the continuing importance of the distinction between contracts of employment and apprenticeship.

  16. 16.

    In Italy, apprenticeship does not, in some interpretations, even constitute a fixed-term contract, as the standard legal restrictions on dismissal apply to it, making it de facto permanent (Tiraboschi, 2011; Varesi 2001, p. 154).

  17. 17.

    The nesting of an employment contract within the apprenticeship contract is not exact. For example, in Britain, until the 2009 legislation, it was harder for an employer to lay off, before the expiration of a fixed-term contract, an Apprentice than an employee (Green, 2011). Similarly, in Germany the employer is required by law not to require apprentices to do work that is not part of the occupation they are learning, in contrast to the discretion the employer enjoys over the duties of regular employees (Deissinger, 1996).

  18. 18.

    That did not prevent apprentices from taking unofficial industrial action during the upheavals of the early 1970’s (Andresen, 2009, 2010).

  19. 19.

    Youth Councils can be set up only on the initiative of the relevant employer, works council or trade union. Where present, the Councils narrow further the distinction between apprenticeship and employment, in that their apprentice members are in practice guaranteed to continue to skilled employment in the firm after completing training.

  20. 20.

    The agreement coincided broadly with the launch of the Engineering Industry Training Board, with its mandate to raise training standards (Senker, 1991). Whether the agreement meant that apprentices stood apart from the strike wave of the ensuing decade has not been established, but that appears unlikely

  21. 21.

    Thus when the services trade union Verdi called out 450 apprentices, alongside 700 employees, for a second warning strike in April 2011 against a non-union health clinic in Leipzig in pursuit of collective bargaining coverage, the clinic’s managers reportedly told the apprentices that they had no right to strike, and only 100 apprentices participated, some of them only during the lunch break (http://jugend.verdi.de/news/zeichen-stehen-auf-streik; accessed 18 July 2011).

  22. 22.

    In Hesse (e.g., IGM, 1954), apprentice allowances remained unchanged in five post-war years that saw an increase in employees’ wages (1951-1953, 1956, 1958).

  23. 23.

    Protective legislation also came to rule out the working of overtime by apprentices aged less than 18 years (BMJ, 1976, §8(1)).

  24. 24.

    The convergence of pay setting for apprentices and regular employees in post-war Germany increased the scope for German trade unions legally to call out apprentices in industrial disputes, as the issues involved in general Tarif negotiations became more prone to affect apprentices as well as employees.

  25. 25.

    Percentage scale rates for engineering apprentices go back at least to the interwar period, when local employers’ associations used them to set maximum rates of pay. Unionisation led in the 1930’s to their conversion to minimum rates, but their importance was weakened temporarily by the use of flat-rate wage increases in 1952 and 1960 (Ryan, 2004).

  26. 26.

    Motions calling for the abolition of bonus pay for apprentices featured on the agendas of nine of the nineteen Youth Conferences held by the largest engineering union between 1946 and 1964. The motions encountered regular opposition because of the interest of piece-working apprentices in raising their earnings during training, but they failed to carry only in 1949 and 1950 (AEU, 1950).

  27. 27.

    No record of EITB practice remains available, but the principal historian of the Board, Peter Senker, recalls in a personal communication no evidence of any such policy.

  28. 28.

    An assumption that apprentices (and skilled employees) receive no bonus pay has applied in all the surveys of employers’ training costs that the Federal Vocational Training Institute (BIBB) has conducted since the 1970’s, despite the decline in the share of apprentices covered by the 1976 Law (e.g., Beicht et al., 2004, pp. 22 et seq.; Wenzelmann et al., 2009).

  29. 29.

    As the sample of employers was not randomly chosen, the evidence in Table 1 may not be highly representative. The table excludes the ten British retailers in the original study, none of which trained Apprentices in the relevant establishment or division.

  30. 30.

    As some of the firms that pay production-based bonuses to their apprentices exclude apprentices during the first phase of their training programmes, the evidence overstates somewhat the departure from the ideal.

  31. 31.

    Although the extension agreements that previously required non-union firms to pay the collectively agreed rates for apprentices have been weakened, non-covered employers are still required to pay at least 80% of those rates (Beicht, 2006).

  32. 32.

    The Apprentice sub-minimum is 42% of the adult rate (http://www.direct.gov.uk/en/Employment/Employees/TheNationalMinimumWage/DG_10027201; accessed 28 July 2011).

  33. 33.

    The relative pay of apprentices in post-war British metalworking is still lower when measured in terms of earnings instead of base rates (Ryan, 2010).

  34. 34.

    As the data in Table 2 are calculated using the pay of newly qualified rather than typical skilled workers, they are not strictly comparable to those for Germany in the 1950’s, for which apprentice pay is standardised by the pay of the representative skilled worker (Ecklohn), not the newly qualified one.

  35. 35.

    The recent growth of adult Apprenticeships in England represents the shedding of yet another of the traditional social functions of apprenticeship, viz. as a vehicle for moving from childhood to adulthood (Snell, 1996).

  36. 36.

    The difficulty was marked in British engineering in the Second World War. The 1941 strike movement of engineering apprentices was fuelled by the frequency with which fourth and fifth year apprentices found themselves supervising recently inducted female ‘dilutees’, who, unlike the apprentices themselves, received the skilled pay rate for their work despite having undertaken less training (Ryan 2004, p. 57).

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Ryan, P. (2012). Apprenticeship: Between Theory and Practice, School and Workplace. In: Pilz, M. (eds) The Future of Vocational Education and Training in a Changing World. VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-531-18757-0_23

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