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Religion, Political Power and Human Capital Formation: Evidence from Islamic History

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Advances in the Economics of Religion

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Abstract

This chapter links the rise and subsequent decline of scientific output in the medieval Islamic world to institutional changes. The rise of secular bureaucratic institutions stimulated scientific output, whereas the collapse of these bureaucratic structures—and the concomitant rise in the political power of religious leaders—suppressed it. The chapter concludes that secular state capacity can help encourage scientific development by constraining rent-seeking religious elements within civil society.

I thank Jared Rubin for helpful comments. Any remaining errors are mine.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    In the century following the death of the Prophet Muhammad in 632 CE, Arab-Islamic armies conquered a vast territory reaching from modern-day France to Pakistan. The immediate successors to Muhammad (known as the Rashidun Caliphs) were followed by the Umayyad dynasty in 661 which was replaced, in turn, by the Abbasid dynasty in 750. Contrary to what is implied in many studies, this dynasty was relatively short-lived, at least in its ability to directly control territory. Generally speaking, after 945 the Abbasid Caliphs no longer controlled territory and primarily provided their blessing upon the true holders of power across the Islamic world. In 1258, this state of affairs came to an end when the last Abbasid Caliph was killed by the Mongols.

  2. 2.

    The term scientist is, admittedly, anachronistic. Throughout, I use this term in place of others such as natural philosopher for expositional ease.

  3. 3.

    While there are isolated examples of madrasas solely dedicated to funding scientific endeavors, most available posts were dedicated to the production of religious knowledge (e.g. Brentjes 2009, p. 313).

  4. 4.

    Rationalism, innovation and the unrestricted study of science were believed to lead individuals to a loss of belief. Consistent with this view, Stroumsa (1999) provides examples of the deist/atheist figures that emerged during the Golden Age. Also, see Glaeser and Sacerdote (2008) for evidence of a negative relationship between religious beliefs and human capital formation.

  5. 5.

    The term secular bureaucracy has been used by Goitein (1957, p. 597), among others.

  6. 6.

    It is worth noting that Saliba (2007) sees the rise of the translation movement in this competition, which in his view is rooted in the bureaucratic reforms of the late Umayyad period.

  7. 7.

    More broadly, the idea that slave soldiers were introduced to reduce constraints on the caliphs is consistent with both Fukuyama (2011, p. 192) and Lapidus (1982, p. 717).

  8. 8.

    See Blaydes and Chaney (2013) for an in-depth overview of this institution.

  9. 9.

    For example, al-Ghazālı̄ notes that those who study sciences (in this case geometry and arithmetic often) “have gone beyond their study into innovations (i.e. non-orthodox beliefs) and thus the weak (in faith) should be barred from their study like the boy is barred from the bank of the river so that he does not fall in” (al-Ghazālı̄ 2005, p. 31). Sabra (1987, p. 237) notes that after the Revival, scientists “were imbued with Muslim learning and tradition.”

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Chaney, E. (2019). Religion, Political Power and Human Capital Formation: Evidence from Islamic History. In: Carvalho, JP., Iyer, S., Rubin, J. (eds) Advances in the Economics of Religion. International Economic Association Series. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-98848-1_27

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