Abstract
In a seminal 1989 article, Douglass North and Barry Weingast argued that by making the monarch more answerable to Parliament, the Glorious Revolution of 1688 helped to secure property rights in England and stimulate the rise of capitalism. Similarly, Daron Acemoglu, Simon Johnson and James Robinson later wrote that in the English Middle Ages there was a ‘lack of property rights for landowners, merchants and protoindustrialists’ and that the ‘strengthening’ of property rights in the late seventeenth century ‘spurred a process of financial and commercial expansion.’ There are several problems with these arguments. Property rights in England were relatively secure from the thirteenth century. A major developmental problem was not the security of rights but their feudal nature, including widespread ‘entails’ and ‘strict settlements’. The year 1688 had no obvious direct effect on property rights. Given these criticisms, what changes promoted the rise of capitalism? A more plausible answer is found by addressing the post-1688 Financial and Administrative Revolutions, which were pressured by the enhanced needs of war and Britain’s expanding global role. Guided by a more powerful Parliament, this new financial system stimulated reforms to landed property rights and the growth of collateralizable property and saleable debt, and thus enabled the Industrial Revolution.
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Notes
- 1.
This essay extends some arguments in Hodgson (2015a). The author thanks Benito Arruñada, Michael Bordo , David Donald, Goncalo Fonseca, Anne Murphy, Sheilagh Ogilvie, Mehrdad Vahabi, two anonymous referees and participants at presentations (at the World Interdisciplinary Network for Institutional Research Symposium on Property Rights in Bristol, UK, at the Chinese University of Hong Kong in April 2016 and at the First International Conference on Cliometrics and Complexity in Lyon, France in June 2016), for very helpful comments and suggestions.
- 2.
From 1603, England, Wales and Scotland were ruled by the same monarch. Hence the invasion and accession of William of Orange in 1688 affected all three nations of Great Britain. But Scotland retained a partially separate legal system, even after the Act of Union of 1707 that created a single British parliament.
- 3.
- 4.
British slave-owners, however, did receive compensation. Much of this capital was invested in the railway boom of the 1840s.
- 5.
- 6.
If (economic) ‘property rights’ are defined in terms of possession or control (Alchian 1965; Barzel 1989), then evidence of their distinctive importance in promoting economic development is more elusive. But it would be mistaken to follow Angeles (2011) and others and eschew the general importance of ‘property rights’ in this context. Instead, ‘property rights’ need to be much better understood. This basic injunction flows from the approach dubbed as ‘legal institutionalism’ (Hodgson 2015a; Deakin et al. 2017).
- 7.
Feudal restrictions on landed property existed in pre-1789 France. But France was different from England in other crucial respects. There was a massive state bureaucracy, surmounted by a powerful King: lacking were adequate political checks and balances. Unlike England and the Netherlands in the 18th century, there ‘was no developed capital market upon which the state could market its debt. Rather, France raised money through a complex and cumbersome system of tax farms, private bankers and venal offices’ (Carruthers 1996: 23).
- 8.
It is unnecessary for the purposes of this argument to assess whether enclosures improved agricultural productivity or not. This has been a matter of some empirical investigation and dispute (Turner 1986). Ostrom (1990) showed that collective arrangements remained viable in many diverse circumstances. The more important point here is that enclosures made land saleable and usable as collateral.
- 9.
Pincus and Robinson (2014: 203) and Bogart (2011) pointed out that the immediate effects of post-1688 statutory authority acts led to surges in investment in road and river improvements from about 1690 to 1730. But Bogart’s (2005) own data show clearly that this early upturn of activity was minor compared with the much larger expenditures on infrastructural developments after 1730. Expenditure on turnpike roads alone tripled from 1730 to 1760, and grew impressively thereafter. Overall, while there were some infrastructural developments from 1690 to 1730, much more remarkable progress was made in later years.
- 10.
Thickets of property claims were the feudal version of the ‘anti-commons’ problem of multiple entangled rights in modern capitalism (Heller 2008).
- 11.
- 12.
Other data series for this period paint slightly different pictures, but concur in finding no discernible acceleration of growth after 1689. Ogilvie and Carus (2014) review the evidence on growth in Britain in the 17th and 18th centuries.
- 13.
Before the Reform Act of 1832, the franchise for parliamentary elections was confined to male property owners only—estimated at about 400,000 men (about 10 per cent of the adult male population) in England and Wales (Phillips and Wetherell 1995: 413).
- 14.
As Lindert and Williamson (1982) pointed out, the three surveys differed in their methodologies and rigour. Hence comparisons should be treated with caution, particularly when the reported differences are small.
- 15.
MacLeod (1858: 476–8) coined the term ‘Gresham’s Law.’ Mitchell Innes (Mitchell 1914: 9) credited him as the originator of the state theory of money. Commons (1934: 394) described him as ‘the first lawyer-economist.’ Schumpeter (1954: 718) judged him the only contemporary of Marx to make a systematic advance towards a credit theory of money.
- 16.
A more comprehensive account of the extent of the use of collateral to finance industrial projects in the late 18th and early 19th centuries is a matter for further research. Insufficient attention has been devoted to this topic, because of the inadequate recognition of the importance of collateralization and because of the widespread conflation by economists of ‘capital’ as things (such as machinery) with ‘capital’ as finance (which can be a means to purchase machinery, or the value of machinery which can be used as collateral to obtain further loans) (Veblen 1908; Hodgson 2014, 2015a, 2015b).
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Hodgson, G.M. (2018). 1688 and All That: Property Rights, the Glorious Revolution and the Rise of British Capitalism. In: Vliamos, S., Zouboulakis, M. (eds) Institutionalist Perspectives on Development. Palgrave Studies in Democracy, Innovation, and Entrepreneurship for Growth. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-98494-0_2
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