Abstract
This chapter shows how and why Greece has become the testing ground for the EU’s and Germany’s ordoliberal austerity policy in the management of the Eurozone crisis, and what are the social and political consequences for such type of austerity. In this respect, it provides a political analysis of the way in which the managers of the Eurozone crisis engineered and implemented ordoliberal austerity in Greece. Having shed light on the country’s modern history as a dependent and subaltern social formation, this chapter moves on to show how key political and business elites of the Greek state have been recruited to the cause of a German-dominated Euroland in an apparent fusion between the structural interests of the Eurozone elites and the subaltern interests of key departments of the Greek state, what we call imperial symphysis. This analysis will also help us identify the conflict between the EU and Germany, on the one hand, and the IMF and USA, on the other, a conflict in which the former prevailed when Greece was negotiating with them all during the first half of 2015, a culmination of a six-year negotiation battle. This is another indication of the terminal economic decline of the USA and the existing disintegrative tendencies within the intra-imperialist assemblage of the West. In addition, to become fully aware of the implications of the ordoliberal bondage imposed on Greece, we shall deal in some detail with the social impact of austerity, which has in effect pulverised the country’s civic tissue and dislocated social mores, further fragmenting key institutions of social solidarity, such as working-class and lower-middle-class families and communities.
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Notes
- 1.
Financialisation has developed in both core and peripheral countries of the Eurozone . This can be seen from the rising volume of financial assets relative to GDP. By 2008, Germany , Holland, Austria and Ireland were the most financialised countries with a ratio of 316, 376, 379 and 760% respectively. No accident that the crisis in Ireland hit severely the banking sector. In fact, by the same year, Greece, Portugal , Italy and Spain enjoyed far lower levels of financialisation at 190, 290, 231 and 309% respectively. As we can see, Greece had had the lowest level of financialisation . See, Costas Lapavitsas et al. “Eurozone crisis : beggar thyself and thy neighbour” in Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies, 12 (2010/2004): 351–352.
- 2.
In 2009 it was just 1% of the aggregate GDP of all EU states, which was a small fraction of the German budget .
- 3.
These are the highest cuts than any other country pursuing structural adjustment during that period, such as Ireland (11.3% cuts), Spain (5.9% cuts) and Portugal (2.7% cuts). See, Tolios (2016: 14).
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Fouskas, V.K., Gökay, B. (2019). Imperial Symphysis: Greece and German Ordoliberalism. In: The Disintegration of Euro-Atlanticism and New Authoritarianism . Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-96818-6_5
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