Abstract
The household registration system known as ho khau has been an important instrument in regulating internal migration in Vietnam. The first part of this chapter documents the historical roots of the system and its changes. In addition, it analyses the impacts of ho khau on migrants’ rights to access a wide range of social services such as social and health insurance, education for their children, housing and utilities. The second part of this chapter analyses the scale and trend of rural–urban migration in Vietnam in the past two decades. Finally, it discusses the contributions of migrants both in their place of origin as well as in their destination cities.
This chapter restricts its analysis of migration trends and institutions to 2014, as the Vietnam Rural–Urban Migration Survey (VRUMS) was conducted between 2013 and 2014.
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Notes
- 1.
Urbanisation is cited as the engine of growth (e.g. World Bank 2009). Nonetheless, recent literature suggests the nexus between urbanisation and economic growth may not be as straightforward and automatic as portrayed. Turok and McGranahan (2013: 478), for instance, survey evidence in Asia and Africa and argue that the extent to which potential economic growth on the back of urbanisation can be realised hinges on ‘how conducive the institutional setting is and how appropriate the investments in public infrastructure are’. Despite the ongoing debate on urbanisation and growth, the importance of the role of institutions and governments in reducing the costs and enabling the benefits is not rebuked.
- 2.
Van Arkadie and Mallon (2003) argue that a fully fledged Soviet-style command system was never fully operative in Vietnam.
- 3.
Guo (2006: 21) discusses the resistance of the south, which ‘boycotted collectivisation, refused to harvest crops in time, and secretly killed livestock’.
- 4.
Decree 108/2005/ND-CP, dated 19 August 2005, and Circular 11/2005/TT-BCA-C11, dated 7 October 2005.
- 5.
By law, if migrants have their own house in the city or someone allows migrants to rent or stay in their house legally, they can register as KT3 (Decree 31/2014/ND-CP, 18 April 2014, on detailed guidance for some articles and implementation measures of the Law on Residence).
- 6.
Some attend free classes provided by charity organisations and non-governmental organisations (NGOs). Charity classes are usually half-day and provide basic education (e.g. literacy and maths) to impoverished children without access to formal schooling (Sawamoto 2014).
- 7.
Decree 158/2005/ND-CP and Circular 01/2008/TT-BTP stipulated that newborn children could be registered at the location where their mother is temporarily registered. Recently, the Law on Civil Status issued in 2014 (effective on 1 January 2016) also states: ‘An individual may make civil status registration [for civil events such as marriage registration, birth certificate, and death etc.] at the civil status registration agency in his/her registered place of permanent or temporary residence or the place where he/she is living’ (National Assembly, 60/2014/QH13, Law on Civil Status 2014, Chapter 1, Article 5, http://vbpl.vn/TW/Pages/vbpqen-toanvan.aspx?ItemID=11031&dvid=13). However, in practice, how strictly these laws are applied may vary from ward to ward. For instance, Sawamoto (2014) reports instances when some migrants encountered difficulties with the local authorities in registering the newborn.
- 8.
However, one of the preconditions for an individual to receive these benefits is the type/duration of the employment contract, which often works against migrants, especially those without a permanent ho khau. We will revisit this point when we examine these policies in greater detail later.
- 9.
According to the Circular on Vehicle Registration (No. 36/2010/TT-BCA, 12 October 2010, Chapter 2, Article 7, Clause 2.1), if the vehicle owner’s ‘place of permanent residence indicated in his/her identity card is inconsistent with that indicated in the vehicle registration declaration, he/she shall produce his/her household registration book’ (http://lawfirm.vn/?a=doc&id=1611).
- 10.
The poor list is compiled by the residence wards and is generally for permanent residents, although, in some cases, it also includes some long-term migrants.
- 11.
‘An article in the 1980 Constitution states that it is children’s responsibilities to care for their elderly parents. Also, elderly in the north resorted to self-help by setting up local elderly associations to source funds from member contributions’ (Bui et al. 2000: 340).
- 12.
- 13.
Arguably, the type/duration of a contract may be endogenous. Not having a permanent ho khau may adversely affect migrants’ chances of getting a more stable and longer-term job.
- 14.
The contribution rate is fixed at 16% of the worker’s gross wage. Since 2010, an additional 2% is paid for every 2 years until the payment level reaches 22% (Nguyen et al. 2016).
- 15.
Workers who have paid social insurance premiums for 20 years or more are entitled to a retirement pension when they reach the official retirement age—60 men and 55 for women.
- 16.
While healthcare services were free, the ho khau system was tightly tied to the rights of accessing goods and services during the pre-reform period. Health care was no exception.
- 17.
Voluntary non-commercial health insurance schemes were piloted between 1988 and 1992 (Somanathan et al. 2014: 11).
- 18.
These include civil servants and private formal sector workers.
- 19.
The mandatory enrolment was expanded to the whole population in 2014 (not just workers in the formal sector), effective January 2015.
- 20.
Employers contribute two-thirds and employees one-third (via deductions from the gross salary) of the monthly fee.
- 21.
By January 2016, a birth certificate could be obtained as long as one had a temporary ho khau. However, inconsistent implementation of policies has still barred migrants with temporary registration status and their children aged under six from obtaining a healthcare card (Demombynes and Vu 2016: 30).
- 22.
Decree 105/2014/ND-CP, dated 15 November 2014, on detailed guidance for some articles of the Law on Health Insurance.
- 23.
The United Nations Development Program (UNDP 2016: 91) attributes migrants’ limited access to health services to the fact that ‘many work in the informal sector, [and] they miss state social assistance via the resident household poverty listing process’.
- 24.
Primary education consists of Grades 1–5.
- 25.
The Law on Universal Primary Education Program (Luat Pho Cap Giao Duc Tieu Hoc) was introduced in 1991 (and subsequent laws, such as the Education Law, in 1998 and 2005).
- 26.
According to the Education Law, aside from the state budget, financial sources for education consist of charges and fees as well as people’s contributions (Nguyen and Nguyen 2008).
- 27.
Secondary education comprises lower secondary (Grades 6–9) and upper secondary (Grades 10–12).
- 28.
Corruption may also provide a way around the ho khau restrictions (Daily Mail Online 2015).
- 29.
Some attend free classes provided by charity organisations and NGOs. See Footnote 6.
- 30.
It was established in 2002 (Decree No. 78/ND-CP, 4 October). It offers preferred/subsidised loans (e.g. at a preferential rate) to any household listed as ‘poor’ by the People’s Committee and Ministry of Labor, Invalids and Social Affairs (MOLISA) (ADB Undated).
- 31.
https://www.vietcombank.com.vn/Personal/Loan/default.aspx?lang=vi (last accessed: 5 September 2017).
- 32.
National Assembly Law No. 65/2014/QH13, 25 November 2014, Hanoi: Article 50.
- 33.
Rental housing demand is very high in large cities such as Hanoi and HCMC. Migrants working in industrial zones account for a large share of this demand. According to the 2009 Census, 64% of migrants in HCMC and Hanoi lived in rental housing. In 2010, only 8.7% of migrants in these cities owned their house (World Bank 2015: xiii, xiv, 28).
- 34.
Electricity tariffs operate on an increasing scale. For instance, for the first 50 kWh, the tariff (plus 10% value-added tax) is VND1632/kWh and increases to VND1686 between 50 and 100 kWh. Once usage exceeds 400 kWh, the tariff increases to VND2846/kWh on an increasing scale (Demombynes and Vu 2016: 37).
- 35.
The average rate is estimated to be VND2884—higher than the top rate on the progressive scale (Demombynes and Vu 2016: 38).
- 36.
Prior to the GFC, the average real annual GDP growth was 7.25% between 2001 and 2007. It slowed to 5.5% between 2008 and 2009 and recovered to 6.25% between 2010 and 2011, with the government implementing expansionary policies. However, the average annual growth rate eased to 5.25% during the period 2011–2013 (Kalra 2015). Since 2011, Vietnam has experienced macroeconomic imbalances (such as high inflation, volatile stock market and capital flows, etc.). These imbalances are attributed to the strategy of state-led industrialisation and a lack of commitment to deepening institutional and structural reforms (Pincus 2015; Leung 2015; Kalra 2015) and serve to exaggerate the adverse effects of the GFC.
- 37.
It is hard to pinpoint the exact reason, but some researchers attribute the resilience of Hanoi relative to, for example, HCMC to that fact that Hanoi is a relatively less open megalopolis and its informal sector is only marginally integrated into the rest of the economy (Cling et al. 2010).
- 38.
Some migrate for marriage or to study. For example, students from rural areas are more likely to migrate to cities where colleges and universities are located.
- 39.
- 40.
Currently, different identification papers may be issued and kept by different government agencies.
- 41.
The Ministry of Public Security has announced that the paper-based ho khau book system will be abolished in 2020 at the earliest (Resolution 112/NQ-CP on the simplification of administrative procedures) (Vietnam Breaking News 2017). Instead, an online database with unique identification numbers for all citizens will be developed. While this resolution will simplify the administrative procedures—as all data such as gender, birthplace, permanent address, marital status, and fingerprints will be stored in a national database—according to the Minister of Public Security, To Lam: ‘Household registration books will be replaced with national identity numbers in some public services to simplify administrative procedures. However, procedure for management of temporary and permanent residence, and temporary absence will stay unchanged’ (Vietnam Breaking News 2017). Until more detailed information is revealed by the relevant agencies, it is not clear whether this new residence management method will ultimately facilitate equal access to public services for migrants—for instance, the inclusion of poor migrants on the ‘poor list’ and equal access for migrants with very short or no contracts to the same social protection as urban residents. These are some questions that need to be answered to assess the impact of this new policy on migrants’ welfare.
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Liu, A.Y.C., Dang, D.A. (2019). Rural–Urban Migration in Vietnam: Trend and Institutions. In: Liu, A., Meng, X. (eds) Rural-Urban Migration in Vietnam. Population Economics. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-94574-3_1
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