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Reifying Imagined Communities: The Triumph of the Fragile Nation-State and the Peril of Modernization

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Governance and Political Adaptation in Fragile States

Abstract

In complex ethnic landscapes—wherein the boundaries inside a mosaic of salient identity groups are pillared, impermeable, and determined along fixed-identity markers—pathological homogenization often emerges as the only practical mode for political integration. Thus, a cascading series of nationalist conflicts that ultimately result in the realization of a set of ideal nation-states—a national cascade. This is the process that occurred during the Wars of Religion in Western Europe and the decay of multiethnic empires in Central and Eastern Europe, and this zero-sum dynamic is fuelling the identity-driven conflicts that today pervade many regions consisting of postcolonial fragile states. Such pathological national cascades are intractable by foreign interventions, and Western-style electoral democracy is ill-equipped to result in inclusive governance when elections are little more than ethnic censuses. Nation-building, then, is a prerequisite for state-making. But nation-building requires inclusive institutions that enable crosscutting affiliations and the capacity to aggregate, articulate, and channel the demands of all salient social forces. Thus, a paradox of modernization: as nation-building is a prerequisite for state-making, so too is state-making a prerequisite for nation-building. This chapter argues that the modern state has transcended the classic Weberian conception of the coercive state. Instead, a modern state is the centrally administered, functionally differentiated, and internationally recognized set of institutions within a given territory that is concerned with the maintenance of order among social forces across the spectrum of social power. When conceived as such, stability is highly concomitant with the state, the boundaries of identity become highly tangible, and the networks upon which public goods are provided and national identity are consolidated. It presents a theory of the modern nation-state to explain the ubiquitous nature of fragility and political adaptation. Thus, rather than tell a story of state fragmentation, the instability and identity-driven conflict pervading much of the postcolonial developing world are presented as a central determinant of nation-state formation.

The opinions and views expressed herein are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect or represent endorsement by the US Institute of Peace or US government.

For their provocative insights and conversations, and for invaluable comments, critiques, and contributions to earlier drafts and iterations, the author would like to graciously acknowledge and thank Michael Wall and Joe Smaldone. For shepherding this project from conception through publication, the author would like to thank John Lahai, Karin von Strokirch, and the editors of this volume.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    See MacFarlane 1992, 121.

  2. 2.

    As opposed to a state, a nation is not constrained by territorial boundaries but is instead an “imagined political community—and imagined as both inherently limited and sovereign.” It is imagined in that a national identity is constructed within abstract boundaries set by perceived markers, within which members imagine affinities shared among people they may not know. A nation is limited because there are finite, though elastic, borders beyond which lie other nations. A nation is sovereign because it is endowed with political salience and a mandate to govern on behalf of those belonging to it. When such a homogeneous community is reified to overlap coextensively with the territorial borders of a state, the result is a nation-state. A state that corresponds with a nation is inherently intended to reflect that nation; thus, a nation-state is intrinsically modern to some degree. However, to the extent that a nation-state fails to develop differentiated institutions, procedures for accountability, or economic industrialization, it may not represent a fully consolidated modern state (Anderson 2006, 49–50).

  3. 3.

    Robust institutions are adaptable, complex, autonomous, and coherent. An institution’s adaptability is a function of environmental challenge and age. As an organization faces and successfully adapts to challenges, its likelihood of surviving further challenges increases. Likewise, as an organization survives chronologically, generationally, and functionally, it is more likely to survive into the future. An institution’s complexity involves the proliferation of subunits, as well as the functional differentiation of those subunits. Institutional autonomy refers to the extent to which political organizations are independent from and immune to the preferences of particular social forces. Finally, coherence requires a consensus on the boundaries between organizational functions and the procedures by which disputes are resolved (Huntington 1968, 12–22).

  4. 4.

    Pillared or ascriptive identities are politically salient social identity groups that have formed around fixed-identity markers. These are what Clifford Geertz referred to as “the assumed givens”—those features that determine attachments and communal bonds that are formed ipso facto and are not easily changed, such as religion, region, primary language, custom, assumed blood ties, race, tribe, ethnicity, kinship, physical attributes, and so on. Thus, while “the markers that distinguish the in-group vary from case to case and time to time,” the mechanism that drives, for example, ethnic conflict is the same mechanism that drives religious extremism, sectarian conflict, and so on. Pillared identities are existential in that membership in them is exclusive and determinant (Geertz 1973, 259; Muller 2008, 20–21).

  5. 5.

    Localities can be cleansed if a culture disappears, regardless of any actual physical removal or killing of persons (Mann 2005, 13–17).

  6. 6.

    See Landis 2013.

  7. 7.

    The Treaty of Lausanne officially settled the conflict between the Ottoman Empire and Allied powers that had existed since World War I. The treaty forced Turkey to relinquish its claims to the remainder of the Ottoman Empire, while the Allies recognized Turkish sovereignty within its new borders.

  8. 8.

    [In Lebanon,] “the … predetermination of state power among many sects, each having veto power over public decisions, undermined the realization of a functional and strong government system … The state … became notorious for its immobility and its inability to implement policies that would promote progress and prevent deterioration. As a consequence, the sectarian conflict dynamic was heightened, violent conflict followed, and the state repeatedly failed” (Salamey 2009, 84).

  9. 9.

    See Kohn 1944, 9; Nairn 1995; Pearson 2000; Zubrzycki 2001; Smith 2005; Muro and Quiroga 2005; Muller 2008; Breton 2010; Shulman 2010; Jaskułowski 2010; Hansen and Hesli 2010.

  10. 10.

    See Ostrom et al. 1992, 404.

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Bosley, C.C. (2019). Reifying Imagined Communities: The Triumph of the Fragile Nation-State and the Peril of Modernization. In: Lahai, J., von Strokirch, K., Brasted, H., Ware, H. (eds) Governance and Political Adaptation in Fragile States. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-90749-9_3

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