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Elia Benamozegh’s Printing Presses: Livornese Crossroads and the New Margins of Italian Jewish History

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Abstract

An Italian rabbi, kabbalist, and thinker of Moroccan descent who lived in the Tuscan port city of Livorno, Elia Benamozegh (1823–1900) authored many works in Hebrew, Italian, and French and significantly influenced Christian–Jewish relations in Europe. Lesser known, however, is his role as a publisher.

This chapter situates him in the changing world of Livorno’s publishing, against the backdrop of heightened competition in the city and across the Mediterranean due to French colonialism. Despite the decline of the Western Sephardic commercial networks, his activity displays the residual strength of ties between Livorno and North Africa. This study also examines how the scarcity of titles pertaining to Italian Judaism in his catalogue demonstrate a distance between him and his contemporaries, putting him at the margins of Italian Jewish history. In fact, his printing press links him to the greater Mediterranean and betrays an identity otherwise concealed in his mainstream writings.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Benamozegh to De Gubernatis, June 19, 1867: “qui è letargia, e chi ha meno cloroformio in corpo lo gridano matto, e forse lo è.” Cited in Liana Funaro, Un Tempio nuovo per una fede antica. A cinquant’anni dall’inaugurazione del Tempio ebraico di Livorno (Livorno: Belforte, 2012), 57.

  2. 2.

    In fact, this trope of isolation appears in the writings of other key figures in nineteenth-century Italy. In the town of Gorizia, north of Trieste and under Habsburg rule, the scholar and rabbi Isaac Samuel Reggio (1784–1855), known as the Yashar, did not write otherwise.

  3. 3.

    Mazkeret Yashar: Teshurah le-ohavav (Vienna: F.E. von Schmidt, 1849), 8–9. “I live in a small town, far from the domiciles of the world-renowned greats (Ps. 16:3) and lacking those resources required by the lovers of scholarship. Few in my area were involved in the subjects I desired to pursue. I, therefore, found it impossible to consult anyone first, or to hear his opinion of my ideas, or to present my work to him before publishing it. Instead, I remained totally alone in my room day after day, with no companionship but the books before me.” Translation by David Malkiel in “New Light on the Career of Isaac Samuel Reggio,” in The Jews of Italy: Memory and Identity, eds. Bernard D. Cooperman and Barbara Garvin (Bethesda: University Press of Maryland, 2000), 276–303.

  4. 4.

    Benamozegh to Luzzatto, cited in Alessandro Guetta, Philosophy and Kabbalah (Albany: SUNY Press, 2009), 175.

  5. 5.

    In his autobiographical sketches, Benamozegh mentions his discovery of an ancestor called Jehoshuah Ben Amozegh who was granted the title “Prince of the Nation” for having supported “materially and morally” the king during hardship in the seventeenth century. Benamozegh’s maternal great-grandfather, Yehuda Coriat, a renowned dayan (judge) active in Tétouan, appears in Samuel Romanelli’s Masa be-‘Arav (Travail in an Arab land), a best-selling travelogue of the eighteenth century. His son, and Benamozegh’s grandfather, Avraham Refael, had moved to Essaouira, adjacent to Mogador, a few years after its establishment around 1788. Essaouira’s Livornese Jews subsequently offered him the position of dayan in the Tuscan port, where he also co-directed the Accademia Franco. Avraham died in 1805. According to a family tradition recounted in the preface of Berit Avot by Elia Benamozegh, his father, Avraham, was a student of his great-grandfather. Benamozegh traces his paternal ancestry back to Fez. On the autobiography, see La Rassegna Mensile di Israel. Scritti scelti XX.3 (1954): 17–23. The name appears in Basnage’s history of the Jews, of which Benamozegh was aware: Jacques Basnage, Histoire des Juifs depuis Jésus-Christ jusqu’à présent, pour servir de continuation à l’histoire de Joseph, nouvelle édition augmentée, volume IX, seconde partie (La Haye: Chez Henri Scheurleer, 1726), 827; Samuel Romanelli, Travail in an Arab Land, Norman A. Stillman and Yedida K. Stillman, eds. and trans. (Tuscaloosa and London: University of Alabama Press, 2004).

  6. 6.

    Yehuda Coriat, Maor va-shemesh (Livorno: Ottolenghi, 1839).

  7. 7.

    Elia Benamozegh, Israel and Humanity (Mahwah: Paulist Press, 1995), 42.

  8. 8.

    Letter to the Prefetto Cornero, 1881, quoted by Guglielmo Lattes, Vita e Opere di Elia Benamozegh. Cenni, Considerazioni, Note con ritratto dell’illustre Rabbino (Livorno: Belforte, 1901), 31: “l’Israelitismo è un compito umanitario che impone ai suoi seguaci di promuovere la giustizia nel mondo, specialmente fra le nazioni” (“which forces its followers to promote justice in the world, especially between nations”).

  9. 9.

    See the role of his Christian disciple, “Aimé Pallière: Elie Benamozegh et la solution de la crise chrétienne,” L’Univers israélite 48 (August 15, 1902): 691–695; 49 (August 22): 724–727; 50 (August 29): 752–756; 51 (September 5): 778–782; 52 (September 12): 813–818. Pallière (alias Loetmol), “Lettre d’un chrétien à un israélite sur la réforme cultuelle,” in L’Univers israélite January 15–27, 462–466; January 3, 654–658; February 24, 750–755; March 20, 12–17; April 17, 141–145. On Pallière, see Catherine Poujol, Aimé Pallière (1868–1949). Un Chrétien dans le Judaïsme (Paris: Desclée de Brouwer, 2003). See also Clémence Boulouque, Elia Benamozegh: Kabbalah, Tradition and the Challenges of Interfaith Encounters. PhD Dissertation, New York University, 2014. Additionally, Benamozegh’s attempt to promote new paths of understanding seems to have inspired the efforts of the former chief Rabbi of Romania, Safran (1910–2006). His use of Kabbalah strikingly ressembled Benamozegh’s. Safran participated in the 1947 Seeligsberg conference that lay the ground for renewing relations between Judaism and Christianity. On his participation and his subsequent dialogue with John Paul II, see Carol Iancu, Alexandre Safran. Une vie de combat, un faisceau de lumière (Montpellier: Université Paul-Valéry-Montpellier III, 2007), chapter XIII. Close to Roncalli, who would become Pope John XXIII, he published La Kabbale (1960) with his daughter, Esther Safran-Starobinski. On his account of the Seeligsberg conference, see A. Safran et al., Judaïsme, anti-judaïsme et christianisme: Colloque de l’Université de Fribourg (Saint-Maurice, Switzerland: Editions Saint-Augustin, 2000), 13–22. During the Vatican Council II (1962–1965), Augustin Bea, who was responsible for the fourth part of the encyclical Nostra Aetate on Jewish–Christian reconciliation, consulted with Safran on a number of occasions. See Augustin Bea, L’Église et le peuple juif (Paris: Éditions du Cerf, 1967).

  10. 10.

    Alessandro Guetta, Philosophie et Cabbale: Essai sur la pensée d’Elie Benamozegh (Paris: L’Harmattan, 2000). Translated as Philosophy and Kabbalah (New York: SUNY Press, 2006). Meir Seidler, “A Nineteenth Century Jewish Attempt at Integrativeness: Rabbi Eliahu Benamozegh’s Multicultural Approach to Polytheism,” in Yosef Da‘at. Studies in Modern History in Honor of Yosef Salmon, ed. Yossi Goldstein (Beer Sheva: Ben Gurion University of the Negev Press, 2010), 13.

  11. 11.

    Greater attention has been given to the Enlightenment period in the Western Mediterranean, while the nineteenth century is less studied—or, in the case of the Maghreb, with Jews envisioned as objects of a colonial project or the Alliance, thus implying a certain lack of agency—with the notable exceptions of Sarah Abrevaya Stein’s, Saharan Jews and the Fate of French Algeria (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2014), and Joshua Schreier, Arabs of the Jewish Faith (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 2010). The Eastern Mediterranean, with the demise of the Ottoman Empire, the co-existence of Jews, Christians, and Muslims, as well as various ethnic groups in Salonika before the Holocaust and proto- or nascent Zionism in Palestine, has called for greater scrutiny: see Aron Rodrigue and Esther Benbassa, Sephardi Jewry: A History of the Judeo-Spanish Community, 14th–20th Centuries (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000); Julia Cohen, Becoming Ottomans: Sephardi Jews and Imperial Citizenship in the Modern Era (New York: Oxford University Press, 2014).

  12. 12.

    Yaron Tsur, “Dating the Demise of the Western Sephardi Jewish Diaspora in the Mediterranean,” in Jewish Culture and Society in North Africa, eds. Emily Benichou Gottreich and Daniel J. Schroeter (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2011), 93–104: 93.

  13. 13.

    Named after a treatise penned by Gabbai’s father, Kaf Nachat, published in Venice in 1609.

  14. 14.

    Marvin J. Heller, The Seventeenth-Century Hebrew Book, 2 vols. (Leiden: Brill, 2010), xviii–xix. The first published book, in 1650, was the Yalkut Shimoni.

  15. 15.

    Francesca Bregoli, “Hebrew Printing in 18th-Century Livorno: From Government Control to a Free Market,” in The Hebrew Book in Early Modern Italy, eds. Joseph R. Hacker and Adam Shear (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2011), 171–195; and eadem, Mediterranean Enlightenment: Livornese Jews, Tuscan Culture and Eighteenth Century Reform (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2014), 181–207.

  16. 16.

    Francesca Trivellato, The Familiarity of Strangers (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2010), 269.

  17. 17.

    In the specific case of the Tunisian market, Yosef Tobi has additionally identified a further step toward the popularization of printing with the publication of Judeo-Arabic folktales and popular stories, a line that Benamozegh’s presses never crossed. See the chapter “The hikayat and the deeds of the righteous men” in Yosef Tobi and Tsivia Tobi, Judeo-Arabic Literature in Tunisia 1850–1950 (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 2014), 223–240.

  18. 18.

    On Belforte, see Arthur Kiron, La casa editrice Belforte e l’arte della stampa in Ladino 1805–2005. Two Hundred Years of a Publishing House (Collana di Studi Ebraici II: Livorno, 2005). On Livorno, see Yosef Rofe, “The History of the Hebrew Printing-House in Livorno,” Tagim 2 (1971–1972): 123–134; (1972–1973): 132–140.

  19. 19.

    Gadi Luzzatto Voghera, Il prezzo dell’eguaglianza (Milan: Franco Angeli, 1998), 152, 178.

  20. 20.

    Conversely, Israel Costa in 1875 ventured into less pious books such as a small book entitled ‘Aravim ve-tokha (Arabs within it) containing stories of pure entertainment value and of non-Jewish import and based on the Arabian Nights.

  21. 21.

    The Valmadonna Library, a collection of 13,000 printed books and manuscripts, was sold by Sotheby’s to the National Library of Israel in January 2017. In addition, the Bibliography of the Hebrew Book records the books printed in Hebrew between 1473 and 1960, including over 120,000 titles and 13,500 authors. The recording of the books took place under the auspices of the National Library of Israel, according to rules set by an editorial staff led by Gershom Scholem and Ben-Zion Dinur.

  22. 22.

    According to Vinograd’s estimates, the number of books published in Hebrew characters between 1650 and 1863 amounted to 1284. Yehashayu Vinograd, Otzar ha-sefer ha-‘ivri (Jerusalem: ha-makhon le-bibliografyah memuchshevet, 1993). Brad Sabin Hill, “A Catalogue of Hebrew Printers,” British Library Journal, London (1995): 34–65.

  23. 23.

    Elia Benamozegh, Shavuot. Cinque Conferenze sulla Pentecoste (Livorno: Benamozegh, 1885); idem, Israël et Humanité. Introduction (Livorno: Benamozegh, 1887); idem, Bibliothèque de l’hébraïsme: publication mensuelle de ses manuscrits (Livorno: Benamozegh, 1897).

  24. 24.

    The year before setting up he had edited the notes of a Zohar edition commissioned by the famous press, Belforte, to which his coevals, rabbis Isaac Millul and Shlomo Leone, had also contributed.

  25. 25.

    See Daniel Schroeter, “The End of the Sephardic Order,” in From Iberia to Diaspora: Studies in Sephardic History and Culture, eds. Yedida K. Stillman and Norman A. Stillman (Leiden: Brill, 1999), 86–101.

  26. 26.

    See Arthur Kiron, “Livornese Traces in American Jewish History: Sabato Morais and Elia Benamozegh,” in Per Elia Benamozegh, ed. Alessandro Guetta (Milan: Thalassa De Paz, 2002), 41–62. See also Sabato Morais, “Two Living Jewish Writers – Elias Benamozegh, of Leghorn, and Dr. Castelli, of Florence.” Reports of the Meetings of the Jewish Ministers’ Association of America (1886–1887). Center for Jewish History/American Jewish Historical Society. Rosenbach Archive. S-3543.

  27. 27.

    On the sanctity of the Zohar, see Moshe Idel, “Jewish Mysticism Among the Jews of Arab/Moslem Lands,” The Journal for the Study of Sephardic and Misrahi Jewry 1.1 (February 2007): 14–39: 24.

  28. 28.

    Avraham Hamawi, Bet El (Livorno: Eliyahu ben Amozegh and associates, 1878).

  29. 29.

    Avraham Hamawi, Le-drosh Elohim (Livorno: Eliyahu ben Amozegh and associates, 1879). On Hamawi (spelled Chamui), see Jacobus Swart, The Book of Seals and Amulets (Gauseng: The Sangreal Sodality Press, 2014), 194. On the Hamawi family, see Yaron Harel, “Ḥamawī Family,” in Encyclopedia of Jews in the Islamic World, ed. Norman A. Stillman. Online edition (Brill, 2010); idem, “Rabbinic Literature in Syria and Lebanon, 1750–1950,” Peʿamim 86–87 (2001): 67–123 [Hebrew].

  30. 30.

    On a rare occasion, Benamozegh acknowledged the existence of healing amulets as a popular North African belief, only to immediately deride them: Emat Mafgia (Livorno: Benamozegh, 1855), II 16b. On practical kabbalah and Christianity, see Moshe Idel, “Differing Perceptions of Kabbalah in the Early 17th Century,” in Jewish Thought in the Seventeenth Century, eds. Isadore Twersky and Bernard Septimus (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1987), 166–171.

  31. 31.

    In 1859, his sending of copies of the Pentateuch with the Arabic translation to Tunisia, Alexandria, Oran, Algeria, and Gibraltar (through Morocco) had aroused disagreement from another rabbi, Michele Allum. A settlement was reached with the mediation of Rabbi Piperno and Cesare Castelli. See Funaro, Un Tempio nuovo per una fede antica, 72.

  32. 32.

    In addition to Benamozegh’s La verità svelata ai miei giudici, his associate Angelo Finzi penned a companion volume La verità sulle due Tipografie Tubiana e Benamozegh svelata al Tribunale della pubblica opinione da Angelo Finzi socio nella ditta Elia Benamozegh e C., published in 1861.

  33. 33.

    Benamozegh to De Gubernatis. Livorno, April 5th 1187, BNCF, De Gub., box 10, 100. Cited in Liana Funaro, Un Tempio nuovo per una fede antica, 72; eadem, “Speculiamo, amiamo, combattiamo: lettere inedite di Elia Benamozegh,” Nuovi Studi Livornesi 10 (2002–2003): 131–148: 141.

  34. 34.

    See Moshe Hallamish, Kabbalah in North Africa: A Historical and Cultural Survey (Hebrew) (Tel Aviv: Hakibbutz Hameyuchad, 2001), 78.

  35. 35.

    Sidney Corcos, “Coriat Family,” in Encyclopedia of Jews in the Islamic World, ed. Norman A. Stillman (Leiden: Brill, 2010). Fifth conference of Elia Benamozegh. “Sunto della V conferenza dell’ Ecc.mo Rab. Benamozegh,” Il Vessillo Israelitico, XLII (1894): 10–14: 13.

  36. 36.

    Richard Parks, “Scemmama, Nessim,” in Encyclopedia of Jews in the Islamic World.

  37. 37.

    Elia Benamozegh, Delle fonti del diritto ebraico e del testamento del fu conte caid Nissim Sem. considerato respetto a ciascuno di esse, parere di Elia Benamozegh (Livorno: Zecchini, 1882).

  38. 38.

    See Robert Attal, Le Caid Nessim Samama de Tunis, Mécène du livre hébraïque (Jerusalem: R. Attal, 1995).

  39. 39.

    Lettere, 7 (April 1858). “Quanto ai Mahzor africani non le nego che io era in istrettissima trattativa di stampare quello di ‘Telemsen’ credo però che fino a quest’altro non se ne farà niente. Scrissi ieri stesso ad un mio amico di ‘Costantina’ pei manoscritti se ve ne fossero.”

  40. 40.

    Lettere, 31 (December 1860). “Nel caso che Ella lo possedesse vorrei proporle d’inviarmelo avendo noi in animo di farne nuova edizione con solenne promessa di mandargliene in pagamento altri due appena terminata la nuova edizione se cosi le piace, o meglio corrispondendo com’Ella vorrà indicarmi.” In fact he seems to have settled for the Algiers minhag machzor, published in 1861.

  41. 41.

    See Richard Ayoun, Un grand rabbin français au XIXème siècle, Mahir Charleville: 1814–1888 (Paris: Cerf, 1999). See also Norbert Bel-Ange, Les Juifs de Mostaganem (Paris: L’Harmattan, 1990), 105–114.

  42. 42.

    Abou published in Ha-Levanon and ha-Magid: Ha-Levanon, 3, volume 7 (Nissan 1866), 104. Ha-Magid, 5 (5 Shvat 1868), 39. His contributions on philology were noted by Geiger in Die Jüdische Zeitschrift für Wissenschaft und Leben, vol. 5 (Breslau: Skutsch, 1867), 307.

  43. 43.

    Letter to Sabato Morais, August 20, 1869, CAJS Sabato Morais collection, SBM XX FF28, box 1.

  44. 44.

    Yosef Tobi, “Judeo-Arabic printing in North Africa,” in Historical Aspects of Printing and Publishing in the Languages of the Middle-East, ed. Geoffrey Roper (Leiden: Brill, 2013), 129–150. See also Yosef Tobi, “Early Judeo-Arabic Biblical Translations,” Religion Compass 6:4 (2012): 225–235.

  45. 45.

    Robert Attal, “Hebrew Printing in the Maghreb.” Mi-Mizrach u-mi-Ma‘arav: kovets mechkarim be-toldot ha Yehudim ba-Mizrach u-va-Maghrib (Ramat Gan: Bar-Ilan University press, 1980), 121–129: 122–123 (Hebrew).

  46. 46.

    Lettere dirette a S.D. Luzzatto da Elia Benamozegh (Livorno: Benamozegh, 1890), 3: “Grazie infinite delle sue osservazioni sulla mia calligrafia. Ella è troppo buono di occuparsi di queste minuzie. Io veramente non merito tanto, la mia calligrafia è affricana modificata perché i rudimenti di ebraico li appresi dalla buon anima di mio zio materno, uno dei H. Coriat.”

  47. 47.

    Daniel J. Schroeter, The Sultan’s Jew: Morocco and the Sephardi World (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2002).

  48. 48.

    Ibid., 24.

  49. 49.

    Jessica Marglin, “Mediterranean Modernity through Jewish Eyes: The Trans-imperial Life of Abraham Ankawa,” Jewish Social Studies, n.s. 20.2 (2014): 34–68.

  50. 50.

    As expounded in her paper “Nationality and Jewish Law on Trial: The Life and Death of Nissim Samama,” presented at the conference Italian Jews in Context: Relations, Exchanges, Networks, CUNY-Graduate Center and Columbia University, New York: March 9, 2015: this argument will be part of Marglin’s forthcoming study of the Samama case.

  51. 51.

    Moshe Idel, “Elia Benamozegh e la Qabbala,” La Rassegna Mensile di Israel XVIII (1997): 9–20. See also Daniel A. Klein, Shadal on Exodus (New York: Kodesh Press, 2015); Ephraim Chamiel, The Middle Way (Brighton, MA: Academic Studies Press, 2014), vol. 1, 102–154.

  52. 52.

    Peregrine Horden and Nicholas Purcell, The Corrupting Sea: A Study of Mediterranean History (New York: Wiley-Blackwell, 2000), 123–172.

  53. 53.

    Elia Benamozegh, Discorso pronunciato nel Tempio di Livorno, Il dì 8 settembre 1847 nel rendimento di Grazie per la conceduta Guardia Cittadina. B.331. Biblioteca Labronica. Livorno, 6. The speech has been quoted and analyzed in Carlotta Ferrara degli Uberti, “La questione dell’emancipazione ebraica nel biennio 1847–1848: Note sul caso Livornese,” Zakhor: Rivista di storia degli ebrei d’Italia VI (2003): 67–91. See also: Carlotta Ferrara degli Uberti, Fare gli ebrei italiani. Autorappresentazioni di una minoranza (1861–1918) (Bologna: Il Mulino, 2011), chapter IV (English-language edition: Making Italian Jews: Family, Gender, Religion and the Nation, 1861–1918, London: Palgrave, 2017); Bruno Di Porto, “Elia Benamozegh, un maestro dell’ebraismo nella nuova Italia,” Rassegna Mensile d’Israele, L (1984): 157–181; Guetta, Philosophy and Kabbalah, 66; Stefania Dazzetti, L’autonomia delle comunità ebraiche italiane nel Novecento. Leggi, intese, statuti, regolamenti (Turin: Giappichelli Editore, 2008), 3–13.

  54. 54.

    Elia Benamozegh, Storia degli Esseni (Florence: Le Monnier, 1865), 4: “Che ogni individuo ed ogni ceto debbono contribuire, per ciò che lor spetta, a maggior onoranza e Gloria della Patria comune perché questo dovere non incomberà egualmente agli israeliti e la scienza israelitica? L’Italia ha il diritto di avere una Scienza ebraica filologica, storica, teologica, erudite quale da gran tempo posseggono altre Nazioni sorelle, e in special modo la Germania.”

  55. 55.

    Benamozegh, Lettere dirette a S.D. Luzzatto (Livorno: Benamozegh, 1890), 29: “Io vorrei veder sorgere un nuovo organo del Giudaismo italiano, un organo che non fosse un vile adoratore degli oltramontani […] Livorno mi pare potrebbe essere il centro del Giudaismo italiano e io non mancherei della mia cooperazione attiva […] Disputerei amichevolmente con i Misticisti, ma vorrei porre a nudo l’empietà e falsità di molti oltremontani.” And also: “Ci vorrebe un Univers Israélite italiano, dico almeno per le tendenze” (“We would need an Italian Univers Israélite, at least for the trends”).

  56. 56.

    See Y. Colombo, “Il Congresso di Ferrara del 1863,” Rassegna Mensile di Israel XXXVI, 7-8-9 (1970): 75–108. See also Tullia Catalan, “L’Organizzazione delle Comunità Ebraiche Italiane Dall’Unità alla Prima Guerra Mondiale,” in Storia d’Italia, Annali 11. Gli Ebrei in Italia (Turin: Einaudi, 1997), 1245–1290: 1249–1253.

  57. 57.

    Marco Di Giulio, “Politics, Scholarship, and Jewish Identity in Post-Unification Academia,” History of Universities 29.1 (2016): 88–111.

  58. 58.

    See Funaro, “Speculiamo, amiamo, combattiamo,” 141.

  59. 59.

    Letter to I.M. Jost, November 16, 1840: “Se Livorno non dà fuori che opere cabbali-stiche e talmudiche, egli è perché la vicina Africa è diquegli studj amica, e nella Toscana l’ebraica letteratura è dal tutto morta,” in S.D. Luzzatto, Epistolari italiano francese latino (Padua: Tipografia alla Minerva, 1890), vol. 1, 389.

  60. 60.

    See Marco Di Giulio, “Resisting Modernity: Jewish Translations of Scripture and Rabbinic Literature in Mid-Nineteenth-Century Italy,” Modern Judaism 35.2 (2015): 203–232. See also his “S. D. Luzzatto’s Program for Restoring Jewish Leadership in Hebrew Studies,” Jewish Quarterly Review 105.3 (2015): 340–366.

  61. 61.

    Catalogue of Books from the Library of the Rabbi and Author Known as “the Jewish Plato,” Elia Benamozegh of Livorno, Italy (New York: Hirsch, 1900), 32 pages.

  62. 62.

    See, for instance, the Moroccan rabbi Isaac Bengualid who was adamant on the necessity for a secular education. Isaac Bengualid, Vayomer Itzchak (Livorno: Benamozegh, 1876). On Bengualid, see Marc Angel, “Bengualid, Isaac,” in Encyclopedia of Jews in the Islamic World, ed. Norman A. Stillman, online edition (Brill, 2010). Shelomo Bekhor Hutsin—for whom Benamozegh acted as a proxy, publishing on his behalf. On Hutsin, see Lev Hakak, The Emergence of Modern Hebrew Literature in Babylon (West Lafayette: Purdue University); Iggerot ha rav Shelomo Bekhor Hutsin (Tel Aviv, 2005).

  63. 63.

    Elia Benamozegh, Morale juive et morale chrétienne (Paris: Michel Lévy frères, 1867).

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Boulouque, C. (2018). Elia Benamozegh’s Printing Presses: Livornese Crossroads and the New Margins of Italian Jewish History. In: Bregoli, F., Ferrara degli Uberti, C., Schwarz, G. (eds) Italian Jewish Networks from the Seventeenth to the Twentieth Century. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-89405-8_4

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