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Irony as Indirectness Cross-Linguistically: On the Scope of Generic Mechanisms

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Indirect Reports and Pragmatics in the World Languages

Part of the book series: Perspectives in Pragmatics, Philosophy & Psychology ((PEPRPHPS,volume 19))

Abstract

Scholars addressing verbal irony from linguistic, psychological and philosophical perspectives have developed a set of mechanisms presumed to underlie verbal irony comprehension and usage, and possibly situational irony as well (Colston, 2017). Similar and overlapping features of these mechanisms have also been distilled by overarching accounts attempting to explain verbal irony’s operation in interlocutors (Colston & Athanasiadou, 2017). Whether based on necessary conditions, families of contributor components, functional principles or embodied underpinnings, these narrower and umbrella accounts have been presented as if encompassing verbal irony in its presumed generic pseudo-universal form (Gibbs & Colston, 2007; Colston 2000b; Campbell & Katz 2012).

A related line of work has begun to identify particularized mechanisms in different languages that afford verbal irony performance and comprehension in interesting ways perhaps unique to those languages. Among these are the BEI Construction in Chinese, the system of Honorifics in Japanese, and Verum Focus-Inducing Fronting in Spanish (Yao, Song & Singh, 2013; Okamoto, 2002, Escandell-Vidal & Leonetti, 2014).

It is unclear, however, how these two literatures align. Can work identifying how verbal irony functions more generically account for emerging mechanisms housed within specific languages? Moreover, relatively little work has documented and deconstructed how wide varieties of different languages might achieve verbal irony, relative to the number of languages currently in usage globally.

This paper outlines both the accounts of verbal irony comprehension/usage proposed as applicable to ironic language per se, as well as the particularized mechanisms from individual languages. An assessment of how the individualized language mechanisms align with the broader accounts is provided, and suggestions for future work to further evaluate this alignment are discussed.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    The Mother character is not aware of the planned murder.

  2. 2.

    These different factors may also interact.

  3. 3.

    Interpreters could infer derision, provided contextual cues signal it. But other accounts can explain derision in cases of week or absent contextual support.

  4. 4.

    Again, not necessarily an exhaustive listing, but rather an attempt to capture the general principles at play in verbal irony.

  5. 5.

    Not simultaneous in the sense of instantaneousness, but rather allowing for some moderate sequentiality in onset and duration, but typically containing some overlap in their activation duration.

  6. 6.

    One exception to this principle is when a reversal of sorts takes place when speakers restate an erroneous comment or proposal which stands against the normal or expected encountered situation (Colston, 2000a).

  7. 7.

    The authors do not designate between Mandarin or Cantonese.

  8. 8.

    It is arguable whether the construction, X got itself Y’ed, is really passive. It seems instead an odd mixture of passive and active (e.g., X did something resulting in something getting done to it). But the construction seems to apply to an animate thing better than an inanimate thing—the animate thing at least being able to initiate the “something” events, despite its use in the example with something inanimate. In this way the construction resembles the pattern of passivity marking in Chinese. The construction in English also seems ironizable similarly to how a marked-passive-on-inanimate construction would be in Chinese. It thus hopefully services well as a reasonable English demonstration of sorts, of this ironization process found in Chinese.

  9. 9.

    It is unclear, though, if this pattern in the English ironic interpretation would exactly match that of a parallel construction in Chinese. The form of the ironic interpretation springing from the unnatural syntax in Chinese could be somewhat different.

  10. 10.

    Only the latter of these will be demonstrated briefly here, and only for three languages—so the cross-language prevalence part is not really possible in the present analysis.

  11. 11.

    Such an evaluation would effectively give us a full topography of how verbal irony is done by people.

  12. 12.

    Some other cognitive or memory emphasis effects can compete with primacy (e.g., recency, distinctiveness, etc.). But those aside, being in a primary position aids enhancement relative to being positioned later.

  13. 13.

    Barney the Dinosaur was a character infamous for being sweet and innocent from a 1990s-2000s American children’s television program.

  14. 14.

    This is one reason for the assessment of the prevalence of techniques across different languages, advocated earlier.

  15. 15.

    Of course, this assessment must be taken with caution coming from a non-native speaker.

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Colston, H.L. (2019). Irony as Indirectness Cross-Linguistically: On the Scope of Generic Mechanisms. In: Capone, A., García-Carpintero, M., Falzone, A. (eds) Indirect Reports and Pragmatics in the World Languages. Perspectives in Pragmatics, Philosophy & Psychology, vol 19. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-78771-8_6

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