Abstract
Applying the post-structuralist approach to corruption, the aim of this chapter is twofold: First, this chapter explores, how the Presidents of Ukraine—Viktor Yushchenko in 2005–2010 and Viktor Yanukovych in 2010–2014—use an empty signifier of corruption, and second, what role the term “corruption” plays for both, political crisis and political change in Ukraine. Accordingly, the main question is: What meaning do the Presidents of Ukraine assign to corruption as an empty signifier and to what extent this temporarily fixed meaning unfolds potential to create social identities? The main challenge the Presidents face with this respect is creating a dominant public discourse and framing corruption in a way that represents themselves as “non-corrupt Self” and their competitors as “corrupt Others”.
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- 1.
“Empty signifiers enable both the articulation of dissent as well as the production of consensus in society. Hence, they play a constitutive role for the possibility of society as such; they are a necessary condition for the (re)organization of political order. Oscillating within this tension between plural and potentially antagonistic views on the one hand, and the potential of socially acknowledged, universalized representations on the other hand, empty signifiers are always reversible” (Koechlin 2013: 23–24).
- 2.
This chapter is a part of my Ph.D. research, where I also elaborate the case of Kuchma’s presidency.
- 3.
According to the sociological polls, conducted by the Razumkov Centre 30 September 2010–05 October 2010, in the answer to the question “How strong do following institutions influence decision-making in Ukraine ?” 44.2% indicated that the President of Ukraine is the most influential institution http://old.razumkov.org.ua/ukr/poll.php?poll_id=579.
- 4.
The code system includes analysis of the following code groups with regard to corruption : “types”, “causes”, “consequences”, “description of the problem”, “Corrupt spheres and institutions”, “Role of the West”, “Responsibility for Anti-Corruption ”, “Anti-corruption Activities”, “Accusations in Corruption ” and “Reaction to Accusation”.
- 5.
“ Hegemony is understood as an articulatory practice evolving out of the interplay of the logics of equivalence and difference and based on the temporal filling of a dislocated social structure by means of empty signifiers” (Nabers 2015: 146).
- 6.
The term “power ” is extremely problematic, because both its meaning and its latitude differ between public office power , decision-making power in private sector, discursive power , etc. The relationship between public and private is also very ambiguous, since not many societies have a clear, formal line separating public and private. The word “misuse” can indicate either violation of the formal rules (illegal behaviour) or violation of public trust (illegitimate behaviour) and can differ according to different nations/cultures. Finally, both dimensions—legality and legitimacy—depend highly on local and temporal context (Debiel and Pech 2010: 54).
- 7.
Rothstein and Tannenberg argue: “Within the development community , combating corruption has become one of the key pillars of good governance policy” (2015: 45). The authors list many negative effects of corruption , some of them are: increasing inequality (Gupta et al. 2002); undermining the legitimacy of the state (Dahlberg and Holmberg 2014); reducing education attainment (Kaufmann 2006); decreasing social trust and social capital (Rothstein 2005, 2011).
- 8.
On analysis of the corruption framing strategies (see Wickberg 2016).
- 9.
During his campaign Yushchenko said: “One of the main problems of the current Ukraine is corruption . Corruption is like erosion, corroding the state, creates a threat to the national security . Because of the high level of corruption , people do not trust the government. Almost 90% of Ukrainians consider current government corrupt and indifferent to the interests of ordinary people. Such situation has to be changed, government has to work for people, it has to be accountable to and controlled by the society.” In “Posle izbraniia prezidentom Ukrainy Yushchenko podpishet ukraz o sozdanii komiteta narodnoho kontrolia s otdeleniiami v oblastiakh,” UNIAN, 14 October 2004.
- 10.
“Yushchenko, who appears to hold a slight lead in the polls, has promised to steer Ukraine toward a more open and democratic society, ending what he calls the cronyism and corruption of Kuchma’s 10 years in power ” (Myers 2004).
- 11.
According to the Razumkov Centre sociological polls, in February 2005, 46.7% of respondents indicated that they “fully support” the actions of the president, while in October 2005 this number decreased to 18.1%. Available online: http://old.razumkov.org.ua/ukr/poll.php?poll_id=67.
- 12.
With aim to resolve presidential election crisis during the Orange Revolution in 2004 and to agree on the elections rerun, the constitutional reform was a necessary compromise. Kuchma and his presidential candidate Yanukovych demanded to change Ukraine from presidential-parliamentary republic into parliamentary-presidential one, weakening the power of president and strengthening power of the parliament.
- 13.
Available online: http://old.razumkov.org.ua/ukr/poll.php?poll_id=519.
- 14.
Available online: http://old.razumkov.org.ua/ukr/poll.php?poll_id=520.
- 15.
The poll was held on 20–28 July 2009. 2006 respondents aged above 18 years were polled in all regions of Ukraine . The sample theoretical error does not exceed 2.3%. Available online: http://old.razumkov.org.ua/eng/poll.php?poll_id=516.
- 16.
Similarly, Yanukovych addressed corruption in the second year of his Presidency at the National Anti-Corruption Committee meeting in June 2011, as a problem that is closely attached to the bureaucratic apparatus: “We all are very well aware that corruption in Ukraine became a medium for existence of bureaucratic apparatus and the reason for the widespread shadow economy, it bears a threat to the security of our country. Stealing from the strategic assets and resources in Ukraine , of the land and natural resources, became a permanent news in our state”. See “Vsledstvii korruptsii obshestvo iezhegodno teriaiet 20 mlrd. Hrn—Yanukovich”, UNIAN, 8 June 2011.
- 17.
In-depth analysis of the law “On the Principles of Prevention and Countering of Corruption ” Nr 3206-VI is from 15 March 2011 (Khavroniuk 2011a).
- 18.
Available online: http://old.razumkov.org.ua/ukr/poll.php?poll_id=67.
- 19.
Some examples are published here: “Yanukovich’s Assets,” http://yanukovich.info.
- 20.
Video “Presskonferentsiia V. Yanukovicha,” 21 December 2011. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1ZxCGr-kLc4.
- 21.
Video “Mustafa vs. Yanukovich: Mezhigorie,” https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LJyGzfxZO1I, 4:35–4:50.
- 22.
The poll was held on 30 September–8 October 2013. 2010 respondents aged above 18 years were polled in all regions of Ukraine . The sample theoretical error does not exceed 2.3%. Available online: http://old.razumkov.org.ua/eng/poll.php?poll_id=516.
- 23.
According to the 4–9 November 2016 survey conducted by the Razumkov Centre, 65.5% of respondents trust volunteer organizations, 58.8% trust church, 51.8% trust NGOs. The Parliament (13.1%), political parties (12.5%) and courts (10.5%) enjoy the lowest levels of trust. See Andrii Bychenko “Assessment of the situation in the country by the citizens of Ukraine , their attitudes towards social institutions, electoral orientations,” Razumkov Centre, 22 November 2016. http://www.razumkov.org.ua/napryamki/sotsiolohichni-doslidzhennia/otsinka-hromadianamy-sytuatsii-v-kraini-stavlennia-do-suspilnykh-instytutiv-elektoralni-oriientatsii.
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Huss, O. (2018). Corruption, Crisis, and Change: Use and Misuse of an Empty Signifier. In: Resende, E., Budrytė, D., Buhari-Gulmez, D. (eds) Crisis and Change in Post-Cold War Global Politics. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-78589-9_5
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