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Abstract

This chapter sheds light on an important intellectual influence in the development of Hans Morgenthau’s realism: that of art historians Heinrich Wölfflin and Edgar Wind. Using Morgenthau’s recollections about the influence of these distinguished art historians, Williams takes seriously the notion that for the German theorist, politics was an “art” and not a “science.” By analyzing a specific episode in the development of Morgenthau’s political thought, the chapter argues for a greater engagement between aesthetics and International Relations, as well as leaving behind—or at least provisionally bracketing—disciplinary boundaries and adopting a perspective which is that of intellectual history.

Political realism wants the photographic picture of the political world to resemble as much as possible its painted portrait.

Hans J Morgenthau, Politics Among Nations

For comments and advice on this argument, I would like to thank particularly the research group on Images an International Security at the University of Copenhagen, including Lene Hansen, Rebecca Adler-Nissen, Simone Molin-Fris, Iver Neumann, Alexei Tsinovoi, as well as Rita Abrahamsen and Philippe Beaulieu-Brossard, and the editors of this volume. Support for this research was provided by the Danish Council for Independent Research.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    For an illuminating brief treatment of the historical evolution of realism as a term, see Williams (1976: 257–62).

  2. 2.

    See especially the critical analyses in Schmidt (2012).

  3. 3.

    The analysis of Gothic and Baroque that Morgenthau mentions is laid out in Wölfflin 1888/1967. By the end of World War I, Wölfflin’s best-selling Principles of Art History (1915/1950) had already gone through two printings and is widely considered a classic in the field (Warnke 1989: 172).

  4. 4.

    The “Hamburg” or “Warburg” school thrived through the 1920s until 1933; see E. Levine (2013b), Hanssen (2002), Ferretti (1989) and, more theoretically, Alloa (2015).

  5. 5.

    Bredekamp (2003) has argued that, unlike in the Anglo-American context , art history and what is now called “visual culture” were never separated in Germany, and moreover, as I will discuss later there was a powerful tradition of thinking about the state in aesthetic terms in Germany.

  6. 6.

    The most influential formulations of this charge were likely Cox (1981), George (1994), and Smith et al. (1996); for a critique, see Bain (2000). The issue became a staple of “critical” IR in ways that precluded substantive discussion and that are only recently showing signs of change; see Behr and Williams (2016).

  7. 7.

    A focus of formal elements of images in IR can be seen in Hansen’s (2016) insightful analysis of the framing features of cartoons about the Bosnia war.

  8. 8.

    Wölfflin has been criticized as having too static a vision of history Gombrich (1966), yet as Marshall Brown (1982: 380–81) has convincingly argued, Wölfflin’s procedure in this endeavor was not the mere cataloguing of different forms and styles. His approach, was that of a “morphologist” of historically “expressive” styles rather than a simply “taxonomist” of their varieties. As he puts it: “Morphology, as Wölfflin practices it, in the spirit of his predecessor Johann Wolfgang von Goethe and his contemporary Max Weber , is not the study of forms but of forming powers. The taxonomist multiplies categories in order to establish a stable stratification of reality. … His (Wölfflin’s ) universe consists not of numerous separate classes but of a continuum of individuals related through principles of formation and transformation.” For other discussions, see Hart (1982) and Iverson (1981).

  9. 9.

    Following his move to the United States in 1931, Panofsky built on his already considerable reputation to become among the most influential art historians of his time. On the art-historical dimension of the intellectual “great migration” from Germany to the United States in the pre-war era, see Eisler (1969).

  10. 10.

    On Warburg, see E Levine (2013b), and Wind’s own (1983) account. On Wind more widely, see Gilbert (1984).

  11. 11.

    A rare appeal to iconology in IR is Schlag and Heck (2013).

  12. 12.

    Perhaps Panofsky’s best-known contribution to art history was in the realm of perspective (1924/1991); the significance of the question in the context of the relationship of linear perspective and modern politics (though not Panofsky’s role in understanding it) is picked up in Ruggie (1993: 159).

  13. 13.

    However, a form was not a “structure”; Morgenthau’s affinities with art history here help differentiate his position from that of Waltz and later structural realists; see also Guilhot and Bessner (2015).

  14. 14.

    This quote has often been noted over the years (Thompson 1955: 737; Constantinou 1996: 1; Bartelson 1993: 35; Mearsheimer 2005), and insightfully so in Bleiker (2009: 26–27), but its intellectual provenance and analytic implications have rarely been pursued fully.

  15. 15.

    For somewhat analogous explorations, see Constantinou (1996).

  16. 16.

    An example of the opposition this faced is nicely captured in the remarks of Herman Grimm, who held a Chair in Berlin and declared: “My conviction, which I have never concealed from my colleagues, is that the new art history is not a field in itself, but an auxiliary discipline of history, and whomever wishes to dedicate himself to this study should pursue not an ‘art historical’ but rather an ‘historical doctorate’ … without the foundation of historical and philological knowledge, a scholarly (wissenschaftlich) pursuit of the new art history is not possible” (quoted in Adler 2004: 440). The echoes of debates between historians and IR scholars today are hard to miss.

  17. 17.

    An excellent brief survey of the positions of cultural history and philosophical anthropology in the period is Gordon (2010: 69–76), and Krois (2005).

  18. 18.

    Wölfflin’s divide between “Northern” and “Southern” styles has led some scholars to accuse him of sympathies with Nazism, though the weight of opinion seems to have turned against this: the debate is summarized in (Levy 2012: fns 4 and 5).

  19. 19.

    In this, of course, he was hardly alone—the antipathy was shared by most classical realists (Guilhot 2008) and by many émigré political scientists and philosophers.

  20. 20.

    Burke (1968). On aesthetic politics, Eagleton (1991), Ferry (1994), Slauter (2009). On post-Kantian aesthetics, see the innovative discussions in de Duve (1996, 2008).

  21. 21.

    Bleiker (2009: 35) again insightfully picks up on this passage, though his pursuit of its implications seems to be limited by his simultaneous representation of Morgenthau as a “scientific realist.”

  22. 22.

    All quotes are from Neacsu (2010: 166); the original is Morgenthau , Twenty-eighth lecture, March 18, 1946. Morgenthau Papers, Box 169, p. 13.

  23. 23.

    As Neacsu (2010: 136) notes, Morgenthau’s engagement with Nietzsche is clear here. For a treatment of aesthetics in the latter, see Nehemas (1987). These views may also reflect Morgenthau’s admiration for Emerson.

  24. 24.

    Slauter (2009: 98) has argued that political aesthetics and political science were two sides of the same challenge arising in the mid-eighteenth century of reconciling knowledge and authority, conviction and obedience: “Modern political science and philosophical aesthetics both emerged during this period, and for European writers taste was a problem with obvious political analogies. How could the subjective judgments of individuals be reconciled with (or subordinate to) the authority of experts in order to produce consensus? This was a question that preoccupied both politicians and aestheticians. The relationship between political and critical thought in the eighteenth century can be seen in the conjunction of the ideas of ‘taste’ and ‘consent.’ Debates about whose opinion counted, about who was qualified to pass judgment (or in the language of some aestheticians, ‘to vote’) on aesthetic and political issues reflected radically similar concerns.” See also Poovey (1998: 157–74).

  25. 25.

    In a burgeoning literature, see particularly: Bleiker (2009); Hansen (2011, 2015); and Molin Friis (2015).

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Williams, M.C. (2019). Aesthetic Realism. In: Schmidt, B., Guilhot, N. (eds) Historiographical Investigations in International Relations. The Palgrave Macmillan History of International Thought. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-78036-8_3

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