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European Socialism and the French–German Reconciliation

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Does Generation Matter? Progressive Democratic Cultures in Western Europe, 1945–1960

Part of the book series: Palgrave Studies in the History of Social Movements ((PSHSM))

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Abstract

Through a comparative approach, Vodovar analyses the considerations and concrete attitude of French, German and Italian socialist parties towards French–German relations until the signature of the Elysée Treaty. She argues that, despite a stated desire for reconciliation—considered a necessary but insufficient condition for the establishment of a peaceful and democratic order in Europe—divergences and mutual distrust prevailed mostly on the convergence of opinion. The article analyses how reconciliation, and European integration as the framework of this reconciliation, had to deal with contentious memories, different (even opposing) international interests and political domestic calculations. Last, Vodovar wonders if the experience of the wars, and of authoritarian and totalitarian regimes, contributes to the creation of a generation effect and a new, common political culture.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    See Soutou, Georges-Henri. L’Alliance incertaine. Les rapports politico-stratégiques franco-allemands. Paris: Fayard, 1996; Schoenborn, Benedikt. La Mésentente apprivoisée. De Gaulle et les Allemands, 1963–1969. Paris: PUF, 2007; Defrance, Corine/Pfeil, Ulrich, ed. La France, l’Allemagne et le Traité de l’Elysée, 1963–2013. Paris: CNRS, 2012; Id. Entre Guerre Froide et intégration européenne: reconstruction et rapprochement, 1945–1963. Villeneuve d’Ascq: Presses Universitaires du Septentrion, 2012; Martens, Stephan/Thorel, Julien, ed. Les Relations franco-allemandes: bilan et perspectives. Villeneuve d’Ascq: Presses Universitaires du Septentrion, 2012; Ziebura, Gilbert. Les Relations franco-allemandes dans une Europe divisée: mythes et réalités. Pessac: Presses Universitaires de Bordeaux, 2012; Delori, Mathias. La Réconciliation franco-allemande par la jeunesse. Brussels: P. Lang, 2016.

  2. 2.

    “Déclaration commune SPD-SFIO,” in Fondation Jean Jaurès (FJJ), Fonds Pontillon (FP), 8 FP7/151, «position du SPD sur le Traité de Paris», ed. in Le Populaire, 03.07.1962.

  3. 3.

    “Les partis socialistes européens de la Communauté européenne prennent position sur le traité franco-allemand.” Courrier socialiste européen 14.03.1963, FJJ, FP, 8 FP7/151.

  4. 4.

    The BLPSCE is made up of the parties from the member countries of the Community. As for the resolutions of the Socialist International (SI), they all adopted a very general tone on European integration. On the BLPSCE , see Devin, G uillaume. “L’Union des partis socialistes de la Communauté européenne. Le socialisme communautaire en quête d’identité.” in AA.VV. I Socialisti e l’Europa. Milan: Franco Angeli, 1989, 265–290; about the divisions of international Socialism, see id. L’Internationale socialiste. Histoire et sociologie du socialisme international, 1945–1990. Paris: PFNSP, 1993, 250–280.

  5. 5.

    See Les partis socialistes européens. See also the resolution of the 54th National Congress of the SFIO (June 1963): “In 1945, while General de Gaulle thought that the dismemberment of Germany and the incorporation of the Saarland into France was the best formula on which the relationships between the two countries must be based, the Socialist party approved alone […] the necessity to work towards a French-German rapprochement, that excluded any will of revenge and that was based on friendship and trust.” Bulletin Intérieur (BI) 129 (1963). See also the speech of Erich Ollenhauer at the Bundestag, 07.02.1963, in which he alluded to “the efforts of the German Social Democracy to realize a French-German understanding long before the First World War.”

  6. 6.

    Les Partis socialistes européens, 2.

  7. 7.

    Only 4 of more than 3000 representatives approved the amendment, see BI, 16.

  8. 8.

    About the concept of political generation, see Whittier, N ancy. “Political Generations, Micro-Cohorts and the Transformation of Social Movements.” American Sociological Review 62 (1997), 760–778; Sirinelli, J ean-François. “Génération et histoire politique.” Vingtième Siècle 22 (1989), 67–80; Mannheim, K arl. Le Problème des générations. Paris: Nathan, 1990.

  9. 9.

    After the split of the Italian Socialist Party of Pr oletarian Unity (PSIUP) in January 1947, Italian Socialism was mainly represented by the Socialist Party of Italian Workers (PSLI), the Italian Socialist Party (PSI ) and, since May 1949, the Unit Socialist Party (PSU). In 1951/1952, the PSLI and the PS U merged into the Italian Social Democrat Party (PS DI). Consequently, Italian socialism was represented by the PSDI and the PSI until the second half of the 1960s.

  10. 10.

    See a definition of “political families” in Rémond, R ené. “Conclusions.” In Les Familles politiques en Europe Occidentale au XIXe siècle. Rome: EFR, 1997. See also Orlow, Dietrich. Common Destiny. New York: Berghahn Books, 2000.

  11. 11.

    While the SPD was reinstated late, in November 1947, the PSI was relegated, in March 1948, to the rank of observer member of the Comisco , then expelled in May 1949. Since 1948, Italian socialism was represented by the Social Democrats, first the PSLI and the PSU , and then the PSDI . The PSI would join the SI again in 1966 after reunification with the PSDI . See Colarizi, Simona. “I socialisti italiani e l’Internazionale socialista, 1947–1958.” Mondo Contemporaneo 2 (2005); Steininger, Rolf. “L’Internazionale socialista e la SPD dopo la seconda guerra mondiale.” in AA.VV., I socialisti e l’Europa. Milan: Franco Angeli, 1988; Devin, L’Internationale socialiste.

  12. 12.

    “Le socialisme et l’Allemagne.” Le Populaire, 10.10.1944. On the PSIUP , see Sacerdote, Gustavo. “L’altra Germania.” Avanti!, 31.07.1945.

  13. 13.

    Blum, Léon. A l’échelle Humaine. Paris: Gallimard, 1945, 176; and “Le problème allemand.” Le Populaire, July 1943. See also Loth, Wilfried. “Les projets de politique extérieure de la résistance socialiste en France.” Revue d’histoire moderne et contemporaine 1954, 544–569.

  14. 14.

    It is not a coincidence that these parties, especially the SPD and the SFIO , particularly insisted on their internal efforts of purging, see the speech of Schumacher at the conference of Zurich in June 1947 (minutes of the conference, June 6–7, 1947, International Institute of Social History, Amsterdam); see also Castagnez, N oëlline/Morin, G illes. “Le parti issu de la résistance.” In AA.VV., Le Parti socialiste entre résistance et république. Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 2000, 37–59.

  15. 15.

    See the speech of Kurt Schumacher at the conference of Zurich, cit.

  16. 16.

    According to Pietro Nenni, Italy was no more than a “Mediterranean appendix of Hitlerian Germany,” “Il nefasto 9 settembre” Avanti! 17.06.1944; Umberto Calosso refers to the “Hitlerian war,” «Il segreto dell’Unità» Avanti! 21.11.1944. See also Vodovar, C hristine. “La Resistenza nel dibattito politico in Francia e in Italia: il caso dei socialisti (1944–1948).” In Craveri, Piero/Quagliariello, Gaetano, eds. La Seconda Guerra Mondiale e la sua memoria. Soveria Mannelli: Rubbettino, 2006, 491–528.

  17. 17.

    See Blum, A l’Echelle humaine, 93.

  18. 18.

    Regarding the relations between the SPD and the SFIO after 1945 see Dohrmann, N icolas. Les relations entre la SFIO et le SPD dans l’immédiat après guerre, 1945–1953. Thèse de doctorat, Ecole Nationale des Chartes, Paris, 2003; Bombois, S ophie. La SFIO et l’Allemagne, mémoire de maitrise. Université de Paris 1 1991; Cahn, J ean-Paul. Le Parti social-démocrate allemand et la fin de la Quatrième République française, 1954–1958. Bern: P. Lang, 1996.

  19. 19.

    Auriol, Vincent. Hier … Demain. Paris: Charlot, 1945, 206.

  20. 20.

    Le Populaire, 24.11.1944. See also Auriol, Vincent. Journal du Septennat. Paris: Taillandier, 2003.

  21. 21.

    See the minutes of the Directive Committee, 04.10.1950, Office Universitaire de Recherche Socialiste (OURS), Paris. Concerning Mollet ’s attitude towards Germany, see Guillaume, S ylvie. “Guy Mollet et l’Allemagne.” In AA.VV., Guy Mollet, un camarade en république. Lille: PUL, 1987.

  22. 22.

    See Morin, Gilles. “Les oppositions socialistes à la CED: les acteurs du débat.” Les cahiers IRICE 4 (2009). On SFIO and the EDC Treaty, see also Loth, W ilfried. “The French Socialist Party 1947–1954.” In Griffith, Richard T., ed. Socialists Parties and the Question of Europe in the 1950’s. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1993, 25–42.

  23. 23.

    See Bossuat, Gérard. “La campagne de Daniel Mayer contre la CED.” Matériaux pour l’histoire de notre temps 50–52 (1998), 33–45; Castagnez, Noëlline. Socialistes en République. Les parlementaires SFIO de la IVe République. Rennes: PUR, 2004, 293–299; Lafon, François. Guy Mollet. Paris: Fayard, 2006, 417–429; Quilliot, Roger. La SFIO et l’exercice du pouvoir. Paris: Fayard, 1972.

  24. 24.

    See Castagnez, Socialistes en République, 293–299. See also Bergounioux, Alain. “Générations socialistes?” Vingtième siècle 22 (1989), 93–102.

  25. 25.

    For example, Rudolf Hilferding , Johanna Kirchner and Rudolf Breitscheid , that had been handed over to the Gestapo in February 1941. See Cahn , Le Parti social-démocrate, 18 f.; see also Dorhmann, Les relations entre la SFIO et le SPD.

  26. 26.

    See the article by Karl Mommer in Neuer Vorwärts, 08.02.1952, quoted in Cahn, Le Parti social-démocrate, 19.

  27. 27.

    See Paterson, William E. The SPD and European Integration. Farnborough: Saxon House, 1974, 65 f.

  28. 28.

    See the report by Daniel Mayer, October 1945.

  29. 29.

    Regarding the importance of these elements on the Italian and German governments, see Rusconi, G ian Enrico. Germania Italia Europa. Dallo stato di potenza alla “potenza civile.” Bologna: Il Mulino, 2003, 215–239.

  30. 30.

    See Problèmes d’aujourd’hui: programme d’action du Parti socialiste, 1946. Paris: Editions de la liberté, 1946, 66–72; “Programme d’action adopté par le Conseil national du PS-SFIO.” Le Populaire, 08.12.1946, 4. These programs included, among other things, the establishment of a federal state, measures of socialization, decartelization and land reform, correctional work. However, the SFIO evolved and increasingly held account of SPD needs and interests, see on this Dohrmann , Les relations entre la SFIO et le SPD.

  31. 31.

    “Le socialisme et l’Allemagne.” Declaration by Daniel Mayer at BBC, Le Populaire, 10.10.1944.

  32. 32.

    See Blum, Léon. “Le problème allemand.” Le Populaire, 24.07.1947; Mollet, Guy. “Une seule issue: L’Internationale.” Le Populaire, 18.09.1947.

  33. 33.

    See Directive Committee, 12.12.1951 and 07.05.1952; and the set of articles in Le Populaire, entitled “L’Europe unie,” December 1952.

  34. 34.

    See, on this Devin, L’Internationale socialiste; Cruciani, Sante. L’Europa delle sinistre. La nascita del Mercato commune attraverso I casi francese e italiano, 1955–1957. Rome: Carocci, 2007.

  35. 35.

    See Schmid, Carlo. “Germany and Europe. The German Social Democratic Program.” Foreign Affairs 30: 1/4 (1951/1952), 531–544.

  36. 36.

    See Cahn, Jean-Paul. “Un problème bilatéral aux ramifications européennes: la question sarroise (1949–1956).” In Knopper, Françoise/Ruiz, Alain, eds. Politique européenne et question allemande depuis la paix de Westphalie. Toulouse: PUM, 1999, 137–162.

  37. 37.

    See Schmid, Germany and Europe; Cahn, Jean-Paul. “Le Parti social-démocrate allemand et l’idée européenne, du congrès de Heidelberg à la chute du gouvernement Helmut Schmidt.” In AA.VV., La République Fédérale d’Allemagne et la construction de l’Europe. Paris: Éditions du Temps, 2000, 157–177; Id. Le Parti social-démocrate allemand, 47–73; Guillaume, Sylvie. “L’idée européenne chez les sociaux-démocrates allemands de 1945 aux années soixante-dix.” In Knopper/Ruiz, eds. Politique européenne; Gougeon, Jean-Pierre. La Social-démocratie allemande, 1830–1996. Paris: Aubier, 1996, 289–304.

  38. 38.

    The three men belonged to the same demographic generation as they all had experiences from the First World War. Löbe (1875–1967) and Reuter (1889–1953) had been SPD deputies before 1933 and were then deported. Löbe then decided to remain in Germany and had contact with the resistance whereas Reuter went into exile in Turkey.

  39. 39.

    See Paterson, SPD and European Integration.

  40. 40.

    Quoted in Cahn, Le Parti social-démocrate allemand et l’idée européenne.

  41. 41.

    See the speech by Lelio Basso at the National Assembly, 13.12.1954, 15011.

  42. 42.

    See Propaganda socialista, 15.05.1953. Regarding the PSI and Europe, see Scirocco, Giovanni. Politique d’abord. Il Psi, la guerra fredda e la politica internazionale (1948–1957). Milan: Unicopli, 2010; Di Nolfo, Ennio. “The Italian Socialists.” In Griffith, ed. Socialists Parties; Picinini, Iacopo. “L’opposizione socialista alla Comunità europea di difesa (1950–1952).” Ricerche storiche 1 (2006); Vodovar, Christine. “The impossible Third force. Italian and French socialism and Europe, 1943–1963.” In AA.VV., European Parties and the European Integration Process, 1945–1992. Brussels: P. Lang, 2015, 45–62.

  43. 43.

    See the speech by Lelio Basso, op. cit., 15011. See also Riccardo Lombardi who compared the Bonn Treaty to the Monaco Agreements, 12.06.1952, 38818; see also Mario Marino Guadalupi, 14.12.1954, 15146–15148

  44. 44.

    See the speeches at the National Assembly by Riccardo Lombardi (12.06.1952, 38809–38820), Amerigo Bottai (16.06.1952, 38848), Lelio Basso (13.12.1954, 15022) and Riccardo Lombardi (09.10.1963, 2534).

  45. 45.

    See Fenoaltea, Giorgio. “Perché Adenauer è venuto a Roma.” Mondo Operaio, 03.04.1954; see also Decleva, Enrico. La politica estera: dal frontismo alla riscoperta dell’Europa. In AA.VV., Storia del PSI, vol. III. Padua: Marsilio, 1980, 29; Scirocco, Politique d’abord, 116–118.

  46. 46.

    See Vecchietti, Tullio. “Germania al bivio.” Mondo Operaio, 17.05.1952.

  47. 47.

    See Scirocco, Politique d’abord, 254–261; Felsini, Daniela. “1943–1957, Il PSI e l’integrazione europea.” Anali dell’Istituto Ugo La Malfa 2 (1987).

  48. 48.

    See Nencioni, Tommaso. “Tra neutralismo e atlantismo. La politica internazionale del Partito socialista italiano 1956–1966.” Italia contemporanea 260 (2010), 444 f. and 465.

  49. 49.

    Treves, Paolo. “Ritorno all’Internazionale.” L’Umanità, 19.01.1947; Cialdea, Basilio. “Una soluzione socialista per la Germania.” L’Umanità, 22.04.1947.

  50. 50.

    “Compagni tedeschi.” L’Umanità, 06.07.1947.

  51. 51.

    See the speech by Paolo Treves at the National Assembly, 05.10.1951, 31043.

  52. 52.

    Concerning the western choice of the PSLI , see De Felice, Alessandro. La socialdemocrazia e la scelta occidentale dell’Italia. Catania: Boemi, 1999.

  53. 53.

    See Zagari, Mario. “Il socialismo italiano e l’europeismo. Testimonianza.” In AA.VV., I socialisti e l’Europa. Milan: Franco Angeli, 1988.

  54. 54.

    See Giuseppe Saragat, speech of 23.02.1963, ed. in BLPSCE, Document d’information, PS/CE/13/63, in FJJ, FP, 8FP7/151.

  55. 55.

    See Vodovar, La Resistenza nel dibattito politico.

  56. 56.

    See Edinger, Lewis J. Kurt Schumacher: A Study in Personality and Political Behaviour. Stanford: Stanford UP, 1965; Vardys, Vytas Stanley. “Germany’s Postwar Socialism: Nationalism and Kurt Schumacher, 1945–1952.” Review of Politics 27: 2 (1965).

  57. 57.

    Regarding the relations between the socialists and de Gaulle , see Crémieux-Brilhac, J ean-Louis. “Les combattants socialistes de la France Libre.” In Guidoni, Pierre/Verdier, Robert, eds. Les Socialistes en résistance, 1940–1944. Paris: Seli Arslan, 1999, 77; Id. La France Libre. Paris, Gallimard, 1996; Rousselier, Nicolas. “L’idée de la France selon les socialistes (été 1944-janvier 1946).” In AA.VV., Le Parti socialiste entre résistance et république, 61–74.

  58. 58.

    See the resolution of the 54th National Congress (June 1963); see also “note à Guy Mollet: attitude de la SPD vis à vis du traité franco-allemand.” In FJJ, FP, 8 FP7/151.

  59. 59.

    See Paterson, The SPD and European Integration; D’Ottavio, Gabriele/Bernardini, Giovanni. “SPD and European integration. From scepticism to pragmatism, from pragmatism to leadership, 1949–1979.” In AA.VV., European Parties, 29–44.

  60. 60.

    See on this point Scirocco, Politique d’abord, 13–24.

  61. 61.

    The PSI was not yet a member of the BLPSCE , but it adopted the same position.

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  1. LUISS Guido Carli, Rome, Italy

    Christine Vodovar

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  1. Modern and Regional History, Saarland University, Saarbrücken, Germany

    Jens Späth

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Vodovar, C. (2018). European Socialism and the French–German Reconciliation. In: Späth, J. (eds) Does Generation Matter? Progressive Democratic Cultures in Western Europe, 1945–1960. Palgrave Studies in the History of Social Movements. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-77422-0_10

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