Abstract
The 1529 Treaty of Cambrai, known as the “Ladies’ Peace”, is a rare example of a treaty negotiated by women. This chapter revisits it in light of evidence from the earlier careers of the protagonists Margaret of Austria (aunt of the Holy Roman Emperor Charles V) and Louise of Savoy (mother of Francis I of France). It draws new conclusions about the ways that royal women might deploy gendered rhetorical strategies in their provision of counsel, arguing that the construction of women as peacemakers and inexpert in military matters belies the reality of their interactions, and that a historiographical focus on gender difference risks neglecting important similarities in the way that men and women were assessed as diplomats.
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Notes
- 1.
“This peace was called the womennes peace, for because that not withstandying this conclusion, yet neither the Emperoure trusted the Frenche kyng, nor he neyther trusted nor loued him, and their Subjectes were in thesame case.” Edward Hall, Hall’s Chronicle, 2 vols (London: Johnson et al, 1809), II, 762, cited in J. G. Russell, Diplomats at Work: Three Renaissance Studies (Stroud: Sutton, 1992), 139.
- 2.
Neither woman was, strictly speaking, a queen. Margaret was Dowager Princess of Asturias, Dowager Duchess of Savoy and Elected Ruler of Franche-Comté: Louise was a king’s mother. However, both had acted as regents and Bartolomeo Cavalcanti, a Florentine envoy, referred to Louise as “Regina”, indicating that he at least understood her status to be analogous to that of a queen. Bartolomeo Cavalcanti, Lettere edite e inedite, ed. Christina Roaf (Bologna: Commissione per i testi di lingua, 1967), 39 (Bartolomeo Cavalcanti to Batista della Palla, 16 August 1529).
- 3.
Russell, Diplomats at Work. Margaret’s correspondence with her envoys regarding the negotiations is published in Correspondance de Marguerite d’Autriche et de ses ambassadeurs à la cour de France, ed. Ghislaine De Boom (Brussels: Lamertin, 1935).
- 4.
Helen McCarthy and James Southern, “Women, gender and diplomacy: a historical survey,” Chapter 1 of Jennifer A. Cassidy, ed. Gender and Diplomacy (London: Routledge, 2017) note the absence of studies of masculinity in early modern diplomacy, and that attention has primarily focused on recovering evidence of previously marginalized women’s histories.
- 5.
For example, Étienne Dolet, “Étienne Dolet on the functions of the ambassador, 1541,” ed. Jesse S. Reeves, American Journal of International Law 27 (1933), 80–95, who considered the relative merits of lay and ecclesiastical diplomats.
- 6.
Catherine Fletcher, Diplomacy in Renaissance Rome: The Rise of the Resident Ambassador (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015), 81–102.
- 7.
Fletcher, Diplomacy in Renaissance Rome, 98; for further Italian cases see Isabella Lazzarini, Communication and Conflict: Italian Diplomacy in the Early Renaissance, 1350–1520 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015), 140–4; for Christina, and for Burgundian duchesses in the fifteenth century, Russell, Diplomats at Work, 138.
- 8.
Carolyn James, “Women and diplomacy in Renaissance Italy,” Chapter 1 in Glenda Sluga and Carolyn James, eds. Women, Diplomacy and International Politics since 1500 (London: Routledge, 2016), 13–29.
- 9.
For example, James Daybell, “Gender, Politics and Diplomacy: Women, News and Intelligence Networks in Elizabethan England,” in Robyn Adams and Rosanna Cox, eds. Diplomacy and Early Modern Culture (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011), 101–19. The essays in Sluga and James, Women, Diplomacy and International Politics, offer a wide range of examples of women’s engagement in diplomacy through networks, marriage and in the court context.
- 10.
Florian Kühnel, “‘Minister-like cleverness, understanding, and influence on affairs’: Ambassadresses in everyday business and courtly ceremonies at the turn of the eighteenth century,” Chapter 7 in Tracey Sowerby and Jan Hemmings, eds. Practices of Diplomacy in Early Modern Europe, c. 1410–1800 (London: Routledge, 2017).
- 11.
On the Italian Wars, see Christine Shaw and Michael Mallett, The Italian Wars 1494–1559: War, State and Society in Early Modern Europe (Harlow: Pearson, 2012), with bibliography.
- 12.
Russell, Diplomats at Work, 107 gives a detailed account based on a report to the Emperor by his envoys Rosimbos and Guillaume des Barres, dated 31 December 1528 at Malines. For the text see Negociations diplomatiques entre la France et l’Autriche, ed. Le Glay, 2 vols (Paris, 1845), II, 676–91, especially 682–3.
- 13.
Russell, Diplomats at Work, 106. “Au partement de l’esleu Bayart de Malines, il print ung double de la mynute dressée pour monstrer à ladite dame d’Angosmois, protestant que si elle n’estoit trouvée bonne, qu’elle se pourroit reformer.” Negociations II, 687.
- 14.
Russell, Diplomats at Work, 107.
- 15.
“ladite paix ne se povoir par nulle autre main si honnorablement ne convenablement faire que par celles desdites dames, pour plusieurs raisons, singulierement pour trois: la premiere, pour ce que traicté de paix ne se peult ny doit faire entre lesdits princes, que il ne convienne que toutes injures et rancunes soyent abolyes, et que estans les reproches et injures entre iceulx princes venues si avant que jusques à envoyer cartelz, offrir le combat, l’accepter et presenter camps, seroit difficil que ce qu’en est fait, traictans lesdits princes eulx-mesmes, ou faisant en leurs noms traiter, se puisse par eulx-mesmes abolir à leur honneur, et ne se pourroit ladite abolicion procurer par personnes plus favorables ne convenables que lesdites dames, consideré leurs qualitez … et ce luy [Francis] seroit impossible de soy condessendre au prouffit et faveur de l’empereur; ce que par la main de ladite dame sa mere il fera, sur laquelle il pourra prendre excuse des tous griefz, et lui en gecter le chat aux jambes, comme ayant traicté sans son sceu. Et la tierce raison est qu’il n’y a nulle autre tierce personne sur laquelle il puist avoir ne prendre meilleur cause ne fondement de agreer ce que il faindroit avoir esté traicté par sadite mere à son ignorance, sans son sceu, et soubz son bon plaisir, pour l’amour et reverence filiale, disant davantaige que de mettre la chose en la main du roi d’Angleterre et de son cardinal, il semble à l’experience du passé qu’il ne s’en ensuyvroit nul fruyt …” Negociations, II 682–3.
- 16.
R. Doucet, Étude sur le gouvernement de François I dans ses rapports avec le Parlement de Paris, 2 vols (Paris, 1921–6), II, 290, cited in Russell, Diplomats at Work, 103.
- 17.
“changer sur belles parolles de l’élu Bayard par lettres de la régente, c’est volonté de femme et ne si faict point bon fier.” Charles V to the sieur de Montfort, dated at Siguenza, 16 March [1529]. Cardinal Granvelle, Papiers d’Etat du Cardinal Granvelle, 9 vols (Paris: Weiss, 1841–52), I 450, cited in Russell, Diplomats at Work, 109.
- 18.
The best introduction to Margaret in English is the exhibition catalogue Women of Distinction: Margaret of York, Margaret of Austria, ed. Dagmar Eichberger (Davidsfonds: Brepols, 2005), which includes a short essay by Wim Blockmans, “Women and Diplomacy,” 97–101. On her patronage see also D. Eichberger et al, “A cultural centre in the southern Netherlands: the court of archduchess Margaret of Austria (1480–1530) in Mechelen,”. In Brill’s Studies in Intellectual History 118.1 (2003), 239–58 and D. Eichberger and J. Anderson, “Margaret of Austria’s portrait collection: female patronage in the light of dynastic ambitions and artistic quality,” Renaissance Studies 10 (1996), 259–79. Jane de Iongh, Margaret of Austria: Regent of the Netherlands (London: Cape, 1954) remains the most recent full-length English biography; Ursula Tamussino, Margarete von Österreich: Diplomatin der Renaissance (Graz: Styria, 1995) is a useful synthesis of more recent work.
- 19.
“Come è uno aviso de li, che madama Margarita era andata in Germania con assa’ provision per far el nepote, re Catholico, Re di romani.” Marin Sanuto, Diarii 58 vols (Bologna: Forni, 1969–70), vol. 26, col. 474. Advice from Milan, 14 February 1519.
- 20.
Sanuto 39, col. 177.
- 21.
Russell, Diplomats at Work, 100, 103.
- 22.
“savia donna”. Sanuto 40, col. 291.
- 23.
“sapientissima dona”. Sanuto 29, col. 166. The description appears in another Venetian relazione, that of Antonio Giustinian (September 1520).
- 24.
As Helen Matheson-Pollock notes in Chap. 4 of this volume, Louise rather eclipsed the childless wife, then widow, of Louis XII, Mary Tudor, despite the fact that Mary technically held the title of queen. As for Margaret, recent English-language studies of Louise are rather few. The best short survey, with bibliography, is Kathleen Wellman, “Louise of Savoy: The Mixed Legacy of a Powerful Mother,” in Elena Woodacre and Carey Fleiner eds., Royal Mothers and their Ruling Children (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015), 175–203. Dorothy Moulton Mayer, The Great Regent: Louise of Savoy 1476–1531 (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1966), based on archive research, is a fuller but unreferenced biography. In French see Paule Henry-Bordeaux, Louise de Savoie: “Roi” de France (Paris: Perrin, 1971).
- 25.
“dal canto mio io mi affaticharò in tutte le cosse ch’io cognoscerò potervi adjutar per il ben et intertenimento de la vera et intiera amicitia fra il mio ditto signor et fiol e vostra Illustrissima Signoria”. Sanuto 21, col. 254. Letter of 13 October 1515.
- 26.
“Madama so madre è una sapientissima dona, e il Re so fiol li ha gran reverentia, et sempre in strada li parla con la bareta in man. L’è vero, quando l’è in camera si mete la bareta in capo.” Sanuto 25, col. 200. Sanuto’s summary of the relazione of January 1518.
- 27.
For the background to relazioni see Filippo de Vivo, Information and Communication in Venice: Rethinking Early Modern Politics (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), 37, 57–70.
- 28.
“era col Re in camera dove stà quasi di continuo”: Sanuto 29, col. 620 and ‘non li fece risposta, perchè sopravene Madama sua madre’ col. 645. Reports from Badoer, the Venetian orator to France, who was with the court in Calais.
- 29.
Sanuto 30, col. 297. Catherine Fletcher, Our Man in Rome: Henry VIII and his Italian Ambassador (London: Bodley Head, 2012), 25 and 106; for a contemporary assessment of her interactions with councillors at court, see Sanuto 39, col. 291.
- 30.
“sottoposto a la madre, ch’è e femena imperiosa”. Sanudo 39, col. 305.
- 31.
‘aziò parli al Re e li dichi non si acordi con l’Imperator, volendo questa Maestà aiutar la sua liberation’, Sanuto 40, col. 61. Letter from the Venetian ambassador in England, 14 September 1525.
- 32.
“volesse sollicitar il Re a far le provision preste. Disse lo faria volentiera.” Sanuto 42, col. 218.
- 33.
“andò da Madama pregandola volesse operar con la Christianissima Maestà che la Signora nostra non fosse agravata di tal contribution di 10 milia sguizari, essendo sopra tanta spexa com la è.” Sanuto 44, col. 586.
- 34.
Russell, p. 100.
- 35.
Sanuto 49, cols 123–4; col. 506.
- 36.
Sanuto 49, col. 443.
- 37.
Thomas Wall, The Voyage of Sir Nicholas Carewe to the Emperor Charles V in the year 1529 ed. R. J. Knecht (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press for the Roxburghe Club, 1959), p. 49.
- 38.
Sanuto 50, col. 67.
- 39.
“felicissima madre de uno gloriosissimo fiol”. Sanuto 21, col. 120. Letter of 18 September 1515.
- 40.
Russell, Diplomats at Work, 98. Wolsey called Margaret of Austria his “mother”: Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry VIII (hereafter LP), ed. J. S. Brewer, J. Gairdner and R. H. Brodie, 22 vols (London: HMSO, 1862–1932), III 1766, 1904 (BL, Cotton MSS, Galba, B. VII. 385) literally “me donnes tiltre de mere et q[ue] vo[us] vous tenez po[ur] mon filz”; LP III 1954 (BL, Cotton MSS, Galba, B. VII. Unnumbered folio of 10 January 1522), in which Margaret says she will be guided by Wolsey’s “par votre bon avis et conseil” and calls herself his “votre bonne mere”.
- 41.
“The mother and nurische of peace” LP III 1696 (BL, Cotton MSS, Calig. D. VIII. fol. 124r).
- 42.
In a letter to Philippe de Lalaing, her envoy in France. Correspondance de Marguerite, 12.
- 43.
LP IV 4270 (The National Archives, State Papers 1/48 fol. 21v).
- 44.
Russell, Diplomats at Work, 110.
- 45.
State Papers Published under the Authority of Her Majesty’s Commission: King Henry the Eighth, 11 vols (London: Record Commission, 1832–50), I, 12.
- 46.
“era indisposta per dolori di stomaco, o sia mal solito a le done”. Sanuto 23, col. 21.
- 47.
“Et au regard de moy, Monseigneur, vous sçavez que je suis femme et que ce n’est point bien mon cas de moy mesler de la guerre, veu qu’il y a petite assistance des subgectz de par deça, ainsi que en semblable cas, j’ay bien expérimenté.” Correspondance de l’Empereur Maximilien Ier et de Marguerite d’Autriche sa fille, Gouvernante des Pay Bas ed. Le Glay (2 vols, Paris: Renouard, 1839), I, 358, letter of 23 December 1510.
- 48.
“madama Margarita, sua fia, havia dato una rota al ducha di Geler grandissima; et il ducha non si trova, si tien sia stà preso e fato morir.” Sanuto 7, col. 598. This from Sanuto’s summary of the bishop’s letter, which was received in Venice early in August 1508.
- 49.
“hanno che madama Margarita era venuta con 10 mila in 12 mila combatenti tra todeschi, spagnoli et inglesi”. Sanuto 15, col. 45. A deposition from an “explorer come from France”, received in Venice 11 September 1512.
- 50.
“madama Margarita havea auto una rota dil ducha di Geler”. Sanuto 15, col. 92.
- 51.
“Monseigneur, je vouldroie ester bien saige pour vous donner bon conseil; touteffois lesdits affaires sont si grans et si pesants qu’ilz trapassent mon entendement; si vous supplie, Monseigneur, y avoir bon regard à ce que n’y soyez surprins … et jaçoit qu’il ne m’apartiendroit me mesler si avant de vosdites affaires, pour ester femme non expérimentée en telz affaires, néantmoins le grant devoir que j’ay à vous m’a enhardy à faire ce que cy devant en ay fait et faiz présentement, vous suppliant, Monseigneur, le prendre de bonne part et besongnier, pendant qu’il en est temps.” Correspondance de l’Empereur I, 411, letter of 22 July 1511.
- 52.
Correspondance de l’Empereur I, 49. The office under discussion was “commissaire des monstres et revues de la gendarmerie”.
- 53.
Justus Lipsius, Sixe Bookes of Politickes (Amsterdam: Teatrum Orbis Terrarum, 1970), 13–14; on Aristotle see below, note 76. I am grateful to Joanne Paul for these references.
- 54.
“Monseigneur, il me semble par la lettre que m’avez dernièrement escripte … que désirez sçavoir mon advis et de ceux de vostre privé conseil et léaulx serviteurs, sur le besoingne de Quintana. Et pour ce que à present ceux à qui désirés que espécialement je communique cette affaire (ne sont pas ici), aussy que je ne sçay encores bien comprendre la matère, suis délibérée attendre la venue du commandeur Loys Gillabert; mais, Monseigneur, cepandant ne me seroie abstenir vous escripre mon petit advis en cest affaire, non pas par forme d’advis ny de conseil, mais de quelque petite remontrance pour rendre devoir comme j’ay tousjours fait, ainsy que très humble fille doit faire.” Correspondance de l’Empereur II, 221–4 (221), 14 February 1513. Pedro de Quintana was the Imperial envoy to France.
- 55.
Jean Lemaire de Belges, Oeuvres, ed. J. Stecher, 4 vols (Louvain, 1891), IV, 10–167 (80).
- 56.
“Nous ne faisons aucun doubte, en portant l’honneur et amour que devez à nostre très chière fille, vostre tante, que vous ne lui communiquez vos plus grands et arduz affaires, et que ne prendez et usez de son bon avis et conseil, de laquelle, par raison naturelle, trouverez toujours plus de confort, bon conseil et ayde, que de nul autre.” Le Glay, Correspondance II, 341.
- 57.
State Papers I 119 (? January 1523; received February).
- 58.
“il prefato Re anglico havea rechiesto a madama Margarita 2000 cavalli et 5000 alemani” Sanuto 36, col. 608, and see also for Margaret’s military role col. 612.
- 59.
Sanuto 40, col. 556.
- 60.
Sanuto 40, col. 775; Sanuto 43, cols 126, 157–8.
- 61.
Sanuto 49 col. 454.
- 62.
Negociations I, 687, letter of 31 December 1528.
- 63.
“Da la corte di Franza si ha, per lettere di 10 del presente … che madama Margerita, poi la tregua fatta con francesi et inglesi, havea convertito le forze contra il duca di Gelder al quale il re Christianissimo havea mandato alcune zente in soccorso, non intendendo però Sua Maestà di contravener alli capitoli de la tregua, perchè erano solo per defensione del ditto Duca et di le cose sue.” Sanuto 48, col. 447
- 64.
“Conclusive, l’impresa si far per Italia e sarà prestissima e molto potente, et la madre il solicita”. Sanuto 20, col. 255.
- 65.
Sanuto 28, col. 557. Sanuto’s note of letters from Antonio Justinian, orator in France, dated 15 May 1520.
- 66.
“aspectando lì Madama la Regente, quale conduceva seco molta gente portando assà danari’”. Sanuto 36, col. 620.
- 67.
“se diceva in campo che la madre dil Re era in Savoia et havea facto intender a la Maestà dil Re che non dubitasse che l’haveria danari et gente assai”. Sanuto 37, col. 153.
- 68.
“se diceva che Madama madre del Re mandava al Re artellarie et munizion” (Sanuto 37, col. 164); and in December, from Crema “se diceva che in campo si aspectava 4000 gioveni gentilomeni che mandava la madre dil re di Franza”. Sanuto 37, col. 366.
- 69.
“Et n’oubliez force branches d’Olive/Car elle estoit la Bergere de Paix” Clément Marot, Oeuvres lyriques ed. C. A. Mayer (London: Athlone Press, 1964). ‘Eglogue I de Louise de Savoye , Mère du Roy’, 336. Russell, Diplomats at Work, 138.
- 70.
Sanuto 31, col. 144, summary of report from Gasparo Contarini, 20 July 1521; Sanuto 31, col. 192, summary of report from the same, 27 July 1521: “Ha inteso, madama Margarita etiam lei non ardisce parlarli di pace.”
- 71.
“La matre dil re Christianissimo ha mandato a donare a madama Margarita carrete 60 de bono vino, cum ricercarla a componer Cesare con il figliolo, et che lei faria il medemo; ma non hanno operato cosa alcuno.” Sanuto 32, col. 469, letter from the proveditor of Brescia, February 1522.
- 72.
See for example Ermolao Barbaro, “De Officio Legati,” in Nuova collezione di testi umanistici inediti or rari XIV, ed. Vittore Branca (Florence: Olschki, 1969), 157–67 and Dolet.
- 73.
See my Diplomacy in Renaissance Rome, 92–93, 117–18.
- 74.
“Et, sans parler par adulation, onques Salomon en sa grand lumière de sapience ne se comporta plus saigement en affaire que vous estes comportée en la poursuite et conduit de la désirée deliverance de la personne du Roy. En quoy avez monster une profonde prudence, longue et asseurée experience, conduit non pareille et dextérité merveilleusemente grande.” G. Jacqueton, La politique extérieure de Louise de Savoie (Paris: Bouillon, 1892), 431. This was in the contest of ensuring the envoy Sir Richard Wingfield arrived at the Imperial court with a suitable letter for Margaret.
- 75.
Fletcher, Our Man in Rome, 18, citing Vetera Monumenta Hibernorum et Scotorum: Historiam Illustrantia, ed. Augustinis Theiner, (Rome: Typis Vaticanis, 1864), 549 (LP IV 1368); Diplomacy in Renaissance Rome, 54.
- 76.
Leah Bradshaw, “Political Rule, Prudence and the ‘Woman Question’ in Aristotle,” Canadian Journal of Political Science 24 (1991), 557–73.
- 77.
John Jeffries Martin, “Inventing sincerity, refashioning prudence: the discovery of the individual in Renaissance Europe,” American Historical Review 102 (1997), 1323–5.
- 78.
Fletcher, Our Man in Rome, 31–2, citing State Papers VI 316–17 (LP IV 456).
- 79.
Peter Gwyn, The King’s Cardinal: The Rise and Fall of Thomas Wolsey (London: Pimlico, 1990), 93–102 and 145–50. Gwyn doubts the sincerity of Wolsey’s commitment to peace, but given the continuation of war in Italy for thirty years after the Ladies’ Peace one could doubt Louise and Margaret on that front too.
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Fletcher, C. (2018). The Ladies’ Peace Revisited: Gender, Counsel and Diplomacy. In: Matheson-Pollock, H., Paul, J., Fletcher, C. (eds) Queenship and Counsel in Early Modern Europe. Queenship and Power. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-76974-5_6
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