Abstract
In this chapter I consider some possibilities for responsible research practice geared to reviewing race(d) relations (and their link to classed relations). I discuss in depth an example of research in South Africa which involved initially setting up a cross-racial focus group , which was then followed up with one-to-one interviews/conversations and group conversations . The research is set in Margate, and was initiated by me. Because this example concerns issues of “race” and racism in South Africa, I open the chapter with a narration of my learning the meaning of Whiteness as a child in the context of apartheid South Africa, which forms a backdrop to my further storying in this chapter. Through this example, I wish to show how the banner of research (re-exploring issues not normally discussed in everyday life) allowed discussions to become generated and actions to become pursued that (arguably) otherwise would not have occurred if the research had not been embarked upon. I also show in this case how I tried to “give back” as part of my responsibility to nurture a relationship of reciprocity , while also being involved with participants in a wider effort to create forward-looking stories (for readers to engage with).
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Notes
- 1.
As Schutte (2002, p. 2) indicates, although the scientific use of the concept “race” has been discredited (hence its placement here in quotation marks), as a social construct it “still has relevance and consequences for those so labeled”. Following authors such as Omi and Winant (1986, 2002), Schutte refers to the process of racialization as that of attributing essentialized racial characteristics to a group (or people presumed to be members of a group) on the basis of characteristics which are “presumed by the attributors to be unchanging” (https://www.academia.edu/11961305/The_Racialized_Stranger_Reflections_on_the_Insider_as_Outsider).
- 2.
As will be seen in my discussion of Woldegies’s interaction with research participants, they too wished their names to be acknowledged. (See Chap. 4, Sect. 4.2.4.) Chilisa makes the point that from a “relations with people perspective” or relational ethical framework, “the information imparted, or story offered, would lose its power without knowledge of the teller” (2012, p. 119). And it may well be that the research participants/co-researchers do not wish to be anonymized. This therefore needs to be checked with participants. See also my discussion on this in Chap. 8, Sect. 8.2.3.3.
- 3.
These were the neighbors whom I mentioned in my personal narrative, who informed me that prior to 1948 they—as part of the Lebanese community—were classified as non-White; but in 1948 the Nationalist party made the ruling that people of Lebanese origin become classified as White (in order to expand the White population).
- 4.
As it happens, the book that I had hoped would be co-authored as a cross-racial encounter between myself, Carlis Douglas and Susan Weil did not come to fruition, as the co-ordination across continents proved to be too difficult (with Carlis in the UK and Susan in Italy). This is the first time that this material is being used. It is also worth mentioning that since the time of this research I have also become more sensitive to the issue of how one can “give back” to participants who contribute to books that become written. At the time, the idea of writing a book (which became an opening to set up the research with the participants) served the purpose of opening an arena for cross-racial discussions amongst the participants around racism. But should I have thought of offering the participants more in terms of financial benefit? Although I did not think of this at the time (possibly because none of my academic books have ended up with anything in the way of financial benefit to me after covering my paper and printing costs, etc.), it is something to bear in mind. In effect, as a side-effect of the research, I became known as the person in the complex to whom staff could come for loans (which money I decided not to retrieve when I moved to Pretoria, knowing that it would not be at all easy for staff to pay back). See also my discussion of how Woldegies (2014) handled the issue of financial assistance in Chap. 8, Sect. 8.2.2.3.
- 5.
I also observed the high spirits in the expressions of smiles of the participants, that is, via their non-verbal expressions. Onwuegbuzie, Dickinson, Leech, and Zoran (2009, p. 2010) advise that researchers should not ignore the importance, inter alia, of non-verbal expressions when analyzing FG material. In June 2017, I showed Tracey some parts of the draft of this chapter and she recalled (from her interpretation as remembered of the body language of the participants) that especially the staff “were happy to have been included in this research” —even though after the focus group they would be back working on their jobs, but now with a feeling that “at least some people had taken time out to consider their feelings” (about racism). She stated that with the “sharing of food and in a relaxed atmosphere they had felt very comfortable to open up and talk”.
- 6.
The term intersectionality as used by various authors—and as used here—can be seen as a useful term to try to situate social categories such as gender, race and class in terms of their embeddedness in multiple systems of dominative relationships (cf. Collins, 1999; Crenshaw, 1991; Essed, 2001; Romm, 2010; Valluvan & Kapoor, 2016).
- 7.
- 8.
This also came to light when I later facilitated workshops (2012) for researchers at Unisa on the conduct of FGs (as part of a project called the 500 schools project which I discuss in Chap. 3): it was mentioned by various Indigenous participants in the workshop that we needed to make provision for mother-tongue expression—hence we ensured during that research project that the team who would be conducting FGs in various South African schools must consist of some mother-tongue language users, and must make efforts to invite people in the FGs to speak in their home language if they so wish. I myself was not conversant in Zulu (the language used by the workers in Margate in this complex): Although at various times I tried to learn enough to converse, I realize (based on my own challenges) that when I was young would have been the best time to learn languages; and African languages were not offered as a choice of subject in my school (although I have heard from other White people that they were offered this choice). At this juncture (2016) what is called SAL (Second Additional Language) where White children will have to learn an African language, is being introduced as policy in South Africa.
- 9.
Member checking done in situ during FG sessions and in other conversations can consist of researchers/facilitators summarizing the gist of the discussion from time to time, also enabling “members” to add more depth (or modify) the discussion as summarized: see also Romm, Nel, and Tlale (2013, p. 9).
- 10.
Despite this legality, it is evidently possible for people who are determining people’s wages to go beyond what is legally required, as my continued storying below will attest to. In addition, the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) has been struggling for what is called “decent wages” for workers. In my view, the question of minimum wages has to be coupled with steps to put a cap on maximum salaries of CEOs, etc. As I indicated in Sect. 2.4, examining and acting on these options is a slow process as these ideas continue to be marginalized in the society as being “unrealistic”.
- 11.
Due to the legacies of apartheid, the Timeshare owners and also other owners are largely White, although this is now (slowly) changing. In the trustee meeting referred to, all the people in attendance were White.
- 12.
On reading this statement as expressed in this passage, critical reader Martin Mendelsohn commented (in face-to-face communication, 23 March 2017) that the link here can be detected/inferred via retroductive logic as he interpreted my earlier account of this logic. That is, sequences of historical events (such as created by the system of slavery) can become generative mechanisms that generate further social outcomes: slavery can be seen as forming the background to the way in which domestic labor of women of color became socially devalued.
- 13.
Nyamnjoh comments that with “the advent of the internet” forms of communication are opened up for obtaining electronic feedback during the research process (2007, p. 2).
- 14.
Critical reader Mendelsohn reminded me (pers. comm., 23 March 2017) that I should emphasize here that this was the recollection put forward to me by Koos, where he may not have wished to remember, or to recount to me, elements of racism as operative in the home. That is, he may have edited these out for the purposes of the conversation with me. Participant Tracey (see Fig. 2.1) too indicated to me (in June 2017 when I showed her some parts of this draft chapter) that she felt from the FG discussion that Koos may have been wanting to portray a “non-racialist” self in this research. Nonetheless, I would suggest that his portraying what he considers important, at least points to a potential way of operating which he expresses that he values and which he implies is a valued way of being (as also pointed out by Harding, 2006, para 2.4).
- 15.
We agreed to meet as I was coming to a conference in Cyprus (Limassol) and we had earlier (12 years prior to this) worked together at the European University of Cyprus (EUC). We met for an hour at the EUC; and right at the end of our chat, he made this point, which I jotted down on paper in shorthand. I told him it was well expressed! He said he was re-iterating my position on this as he understood it from having spoken to me 12 years ago and also from having read the draft chapter I sent to him to look at/skim on 22 April 2017 (to which he replied by email on 23 April). I said to him that these words of his were still well chosen, and an interesting way of expressing this idea.
- 16.
Carlis made this observation during a Skype conversation (2008) where she, Susan Weil, and I were talking about the complexity of racism as part of our venturing to write a co-authored book in which we held cross-racial discussions between ourselves around the dynamics of everyday racism. However, with Carlis being in the UK and Susan being Italy (and my being in South Africa) the co-ordination of our discussion became too time-consuming: once the publishing deadline was reached with no possibility of yet another extension, we decided that the material that I had produced in relation to the South African research could be distributed in a book which I would write (while Carlis would, time permitting, would take the lead with organizing the rest of the material, toward another book). Some of our deliberations on Whiteness can be found in the International Sociological Association newsletter (2011, pp. 11–14): http://www.isa-sociology.org/pdfs/rc05newsletter_october2011.pdf.
- 17.
In other parts of Africa too, this orientation to (Black) domestic labor has been recorded. For instance, Miles (1996), citing Maziya (1993), notes that in Swaziland “domestic work is … characterized by low pay, long working hours, poor living conditions, dependency, invisibility, exploitation and even abuse” (Miles, 1996, p. 82). And Nyamnjoh (2006) discusses the relations between madams and maids in the context of xenophobia in Botswana—where Black people regarded as “other” become targeted for maltreatment.
- 18.
Interestingly, when reading this analysis (March 2017), critical reader Mendelsohn offered an alternative/additional interpretation, namely, that just as in the French expression “nouveau riche” (to refer to people newly rich in different contexts), Black people who have historically been underprivileged may now be more class conscious, that is, more aware of class positions. So the attitude on the part of the White employers versus that of the Black employers recounted by Akena could perhaps be attributed (in part) to this.
- 19.
Very few researchers justifying their qualitative inquiries speak of reliability in the sense of consistent “results”, because it is generally recognized that researchers’ way of speaking with participants necessarily affects the data that comes to the fore in qualitative research. Hence reliability as consistency of results collected at different time instances (either by the same or different researchers) is not regarded as a requirement in qualitative research (Ngulube, 2015, p. 152). Nevertheless, some criteria of validity are normally advised, albeit that these need not be linked to requirements of “accuracy” (see, for instance, Cho & Trent, 2006).
- 20.
The terms etic and emic (which Onwuegbuzie combines into emtic) are associated with a distinction that can be found in the social science literature following Pike’s original coining (1954) of the words in linguistic theory. Ways of understanding these terms, as with all scientific ones, vary; and many authors have noted that they function more to signal a continuum than to locate exclusive categories (cf. Franklin, 1996; Morris, Leung, Ames, & Lickel, 1999; Olive, 2014). What I wish to highlight in what Onwuegbuzie (2012) calls an emtic relationship is that in practice so-called etic perspectives (introduced by “outsider” researcher understandings) and emic perspectives (generated by participant “insiders”) can be interactive during the research process, as explored by Onwuegbuzie and Frels (2015).
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Romm, N.R.A. (2018). Active Focus Group Research with Follow-up Interviews/Conversations and Actions: Responsibly Re-exploring Race(d) and Classed Relations. In: Responsible Research Practice. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-74386-8_2
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