Abstract
Interpreting interviews and group discussions with activists from the Tea Party and Occupy Wall Street as well as pictures used in the protests’ propaganda materials, Kumkar demonstrates how the activists’ habitus structured their experience of the Great Recession and predisposed them to resonate with certain protest-practices. He identifies an ambivalent relationship between the habitus in crisis and the protests—while the protests articulate frustration, they are also ways of coping with it unconsciously. Thus, the basic orienting pattern of Tea Party activists, ‘disappointment without disillusionment’, prevents them from confronting the traumatic kernel of their experience, offering them a reassuring web of conspiracies instead. The Occupiers were affectively invested in their ‘prefigurative practices’ also because these functioned as redirection activities for their blocked anticipated professional trajectories.
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Notes
- 1.
This follows the trend in the practice of the Documentary Method to shift away from single-case descriptions and toward comparative typologies in order to better emphasize the nature of its research object (the habitus) as being objectively differentiable from its realization in a concrete practice (Bohnsack 2010, 141).
- 2.
This grammar of “reality” and “the world” is systematically developed in Boltanski (2010).
- 3.
For the concept of contingent necessity, see Jessop (1982, 212–19).
- 4.
For the more thorough interpretation of this conclusion in the context of the whole focusing metaphor, see “Appendix 3: Exemplary Interpretation of a Focusing Metaphor: TPG2 “Standing in Line””.
- 5.
This sequence is followed by a break, after which another participant turns to the interviewer and asks for another question, while the rest of the group chuckles, signaling that they perceived the rising emotional density of this passage as having gotten a little ‘out of control’, and that the sequence also marks the thematic exhaustion of the passage, to which there is nothing more to add.
- 6.
Both forms of rationalization can be read as variations of the avoidance of a repressed experience, namely, that of either powerlessness or moral insecurity that would otherwise be evoked by the fact that one did not act for a long time, even though the problems had de facto already surfaced: The ‘opening of the eye’ proposition negates that one could have even wanted to act earlier (because one was still ‘asleep’), the ‘enough is enough’ proposition transforms the passive endurance of what is perceived as injustice into a claim to moral superiority, since one had stood by because one was, until the breaking point, above the petty deviances of the others. That both propositions are offered by the same speakers is reminiscent of the famous “Kettle-Logic” that Freud presents as typical of the logic of dreams and jokes. The apparent contradiction in simultaneously arguing that one did not borrow a kettle, that the kettle was already broken when borrowed, and that one did return it in fine shape points to the suppressed true experience: That one has broken the kettle (Freud 1970, 191). In the same fashion, insisting on the ‘opening of the eye’ and simultaneously declaring that ‘enough is enough’ points to the fact that the emergence of the TP was a more than welcome opportunity to act out aggression that was repressed before. The affective coupling of guilt and aggression that is reconstructed in the analysis of the cover of the TP brochure (Sect. 5.3.2) points to the same tension in the affective processing of the experiences of the TP’s core constituency.
- 7.
This condensation of the basic affective structure of the experience is of course a causal hypothesis on the affective genesis of their conflict that would most likely be disagreed with by the TPers themselves, since they, as was discussed with regard to the conspiratorial mode of interpretation, deem themselves especially critical and ‘aware’, and thereby without illusions. However, as was also already touched upon, at the same time, they often also present themselves as a community of ‘believers against all odds’. In fact, the two self-perceptions sometimes seem to merge or oscillate, as in the case of Obama’s citizenship, which is ‘critically’ questioned, but at the same time ‘believed’ to not be real if the evidence seems to render the questioning unreasonable.
- 8.
The concept of the scenic as it is implied in this interpretation was developed by the critical psychoanalyst Alfred Lorenzer: In his meta-theory of psychoanalysis, he develops the idea that the patient in his discourse unfolds certain scenic drafts and interaction forms, which, via their affective and interpretational structures, reveal his phantasies and experienced social relations as well as their relation to the traumatic scene that gave rise to them. In a similar vein, the metaphors chosen by the discussants and interviewees display an affective and interpretative logic that is revealing their experience of the ‘scene’ of the foreclosure crisis, while this experience itself is absent from the level of explicit communication (Lorenzer (1972, esp. 104–160); for an English introduction into the theory of Lorenzer and the depth-hemeneutic method, see Bereswill et al. 2010; Olesen and Weber 2012).
- 9.
On the socio-psychological consequences of the ‘foreclosure’ of this object of desire, especially the ensuing rage, see Andrews (2014). However, it is worth noting once more that the TP activists I interviewed did not lose their homes, in contrast to the people whose experiences Andrews is describing, but only the economic value attached to it.
- 10.
For the French case, Bourdieu and his team have argued that the suppressed feeling of being duped is widespread among petty bourgeois homeowners, even in the absence of an escalating foreclosure crisis, and might partially explain the resentment and anger toward those they deem ‘irresponsible’ (1998). Michael J. Thompson (2012) has even suggested that the lived environment of the US-American suburb might explain the psychogenesis of a mindset that he holds (partially) responsible for the rise of the TP. Even though the last argument is not implausible, it is hard to see how it can be checked empirically, especially since many of the OWS activists I interviewed were raised in a suburban environment as well, and many TP activists only moved to suburban environments when they were grown up.
- 11.
“Keying” is a term borrowed from Goffman’s frame analysis, and designates the process through which something with an apparently clear meaning, via reframing, is turned into something that the participants treat as something completely different. An example being ‘fights’ that are assumed to be ‘fun’ when they are keyed as part of a ‘game’ (Goffman 1974, 40–82). As Bourdieu pointed out in his analysis of Martin Heidegger’s rhetoric, one should bear in mind that keyings often function as negations in a psychoanalytical sense: They allow one to simultaneously say and not say something, and thereby, for example, give in to one’s aggressions, yet not in a way that can be socially sanctioned without disputable interpretations—‘this is not what I said’ being the reply that a critique will often get, even though it is perfectly clear that this is what the speaker ‘meant’ (Bourdieu 1988; Freud 1975. For a very similar form of negation of racist projections, see: Adorno 1973a, 127 f.).
- 12.
Boltanski himself points to the uncanny similarity between the figure of the “Arab” in contemporary islamophobic discourse to that of the “Jew” in early twentieth century conspiracy theories and literature (Boltanski 2013, 263).
- 13.
During my visits to the TP groups that form the basis for this analysis, anecdotes of more or less open racism that aimed at degrading Obama were, however, rather frequent—for example, one of the leaders of a Tea Party group called Obama “Chris Christie’s boy” in a public meeting in which I participated.
- 14.
This book was written by the anti-communist agitator Cleon Skousen in 1981. It advertised the right-wing extremist John Birch Society and proclaimed that the US constitution was based on natural law, as well as that the founding fathers never had the intention of separating church and state. The popularity of this book, which was recommended to me by some TP’ers, had increased enormously after Glenn Beck had advertised it on his show (Skousen 2009; Zernike 2010).
- 15.
At these instances, the conspiratorial interpretations seem to function analogously to what Boltanski describes as the logic of the circulation of ‘fables’ (as opposed to narrations), where pleasure is drawn from enriching the story with more and more paradoxes and ornaments, that nevertheless are symbolically coherent (Boltanski 2013, 397 f.).
- 16.
Not only are they numerous, but also thematically diverse with regard to their explicit content. While the topic of school and school sports is the most common metaphoric, the activists discuss the problem of ‘access to college’ by the less talented and the access to housing by the less wealthy in pretty much the same form: The ‘elites’ erase differences and ignite a ‘false sense of entitlement’ in the poor to ultimately undermine the very institutions that guarantee the solidity of reality.
- 17.
In an interesting switch of perspective, Jeffrey Prager suggests that a powerful social dynamic in US-American Racism is its capacity to legitimize social inequality, thereby affectively stabilizing one’s affective relation to conditions that would be perceived as revolting if this protective veil was lifted, which effectively means that people cling to their racism because it renders social inequality more bearable (Prager 2014).
- 18.
Two other common elements of most elaborations on the ‘agenda’ supposedly behind the current social developments, the supposed erosion of national sovereignty and the use of environmental policies to further plans for a ‘totalitarian’ society, were also mentioned frequently, but never gained the status of focusing metaphors in the discourse. The most plausible interpretation of this is that these elements emerged from the ex-post rationalization of the perceived conspiracy. This is supported by the fact that these themes are cornerstones of the conspiracy theory according to which the UN’s “Agenda 21” is a secret plot to bring down the USA. This theory is propagated by the John Birch Society (JBS), among others. The journal and the leaflets of the JBS were often to be found in the meeting spaces of the TP groups I visited.
- 19.
A feature of the TP’s discourse that points in that very same direction is their frequent references to the ‘Founding Fathers’ as a legitimizing authority: One of my discussion partners, for example, wore a T-shirt with the Thomas Jefferson quote “a little rebellion now and then is a good thing” printed on it (TP_28.11.2012), which seemed to be popular with other TP activists as well. In the light of the interpretation above, one could read this as the ‘father’s’ permission to rebel.
- 20.
Occasionally, this figure was also deployed vis-a-vis the Democratic Party: The rare members of this party active in the TP (I spoke to none, but they were frequently mentioned), or one’s own parents (of whom nobody ever spoke but in the highest praise) if they had been Democrats, were always portrayed as being “true Democrats” as opposed to the “Democrats of today”.
- 21.
The ‘utopian question’ at the end of the interviews, which was a tool that I ‘inherited’ from a research project of the Institute for Democracy Research in Göttingen, was mostly dropped when my methodological framework became more and more geared toward systematic habitus reconstruction. Its analytical value should not be overstated, since it confronts the interviewees with contra-factual scenarios not all of them might be equally routinized in addressing. It is, however, noteworthy that the OWS participants that were confronted with this question, other than the TP activists, gave answers that explicitly acknowledged their own utopian character.
- 22.
The specific discourse-oriented habitus of OWS’ core constituency with its insistence on constantly negotiating difference made it difficult for me to understand that, in fact, a common orienting figure is lying behind this very display of disagreement. Most probably understanding this was made even more difficult by the relative closeness of the generational and class background between the core constituency of OWS and me and the participants in the group that helped me to interpret the results, who were all PhD-candidates from the social sciences and cultural studies.
- 23.
One might object that this may well be due to the fact that the interviewees from OWS sensed a greater class-generational closeness to the interviewer and therefore left their ‘grievances’ more implicit since they did not find it necessary to explicate them. However, the very formulaic structure of the propositions that do explicate their discontent, such as the “political economy of capitalism” above, indicate that the interpretation of the affective detachment is valid, even if it is not the only factor explaining this discursive peculiarity.
- 24.
The self-critical dimension of this image is enforced by the fact that R in other passages signals that he is considering himself a part of exactly the milieu he is ridiculing here.
- 25.
Amy_OWS: “Square full of soulmates”, p. 188.
- 26.
With one exception: Patricia told a very similar story about her meeting the TP in TPG2 and in the biographical follow-up interview I conducted with her. In an article reflecting the very first analyses of my empirical material, which had started exactly with this discussion, I considered it a trait common to both movements (cf. Kumkar 2014). However, this was proven wrong by the analysis of other TP discussions and interviews that never showed something comparable. Closer analysis of the discussion of TPG2 and especially of the autobiographical follow-up interview revealed that Patricia is an exception to the general TP demographics: she comes from a family rooted in a very different socio-political milieu she now felt increasingly alienated from as a result of her social upward mobility from a working-class background to an administrative petty bourgeois life—an alienation that mirrors what was felt by many OWS activists with regard to “society” in general.
- 27.
It is worth noting that the ‘radical’ position is called the same independent of the speaker, and is treated as the ‘gold standard’ of OWS even by its opponents, which means that deviations from this standard have to be legitimized, for example, by referencing a public that might not be ‘there yet’. This observation further supports the thesis that the core constituency of OWS in fact has a leading role with regard to the form and content of the protest-practice, which caters to their specific habitual orientations and dilemmas.
- 28.
As the philosopher Robert Pfaller pointed out, the trouble with avoiding terms with pejorative connotations for the noble aim of sparing those the insult who are already harmed by stigma or ridicule in society—he himself is mainly concerned with the terms “perversion” and “superstition”—is the difficulty to systematically deal with the ambiguous stance these very subjects have toward the practices connoted by these terms. What he suggests, therefore, is a shift away from any ‘material’ or ‘substantive’ definition of these terms, which is based on accepting social stigma as grounded in the assumed nature of the designated object (i.e., homosexual desire is perverted, since it is not the ‘natural’ sexual desire; believing in horoscopes is superstitious because it is neither ‘proper’ scientific nor religious). Instead, he suggests a ‘topical’ or ‘relational’ definition that is based upon the actors’ own relation to the praxis or phenomenon thus designated (homosexual desire might be perceived and lived as perverted and subjects might derive pleasure and pain from this, which is of course not in any sense ‘external’ to the desire itself; someone wants to, or even ‘must’ read her or his horoscope, even though she or he might ‘know it’s stupid’) (cf. Robert Pfaller 2002, esp. 164–170).
- 29.
Max was chosen as an example again to underline that these propositions were made by the very same people that also were the ones so euphoric about the practice of the occupation, and thus documents an actual ambivalence toward the practice, not just two diverging points of view. Very similar statements regarding the increasing professionalization of tasks, departmentalization of space etc. were also made by the others belonging to the core constituency.
- 30.
In her theory of conversation analysis as Documentary Method, Przyborski differentiates between two kinds of conclusions, “real” and “ritualistic”. The former thematically conclude a passage (such as M’s description what a TP’ activist is “in a nutshell” in TPG2, “Standing in Line”), while the latter conclude a conflict between different and opposing orienting frames, for example by changing the topic or suggesting a kind of ‘meta-framing’ (Przyborski 2004, esp. 74–77). The conclusion cited above, however, points to another possibility, that is, a dilemma or blockade inherent to the habitus itself rather than between two habitus: It’s not A’s and L’s orienting frames that are in conflict with each other, but both their orienting frames are structured by the same conflict. I labelled the conclusion that corresponds with this kind of tension ‘symbolic’. Much like the myth in Levi-Strauss´ theory, the function of these conclusions is not to suppress/postpone the conflict (which would be the meta-function of ritualistic conclusions) but to render it ‘speakable’ (cf. Lévi-Strauss 1977, 226–54).
- 31.
One incident that can serve as a pointed example of this refusal is the rejection of monetary support from “Ben and Jerry’s” by OWS activists in 2012, as described in an article in the Rolling Stone—not because the rejection of the support is politically irrational, but because its rationalization clearly documents the moral-affective repulsion by the activists, and their fear of being ‘corrupted’ (Binelli 2012).
- 32.
It is interesting to note that the two widely quoted but atypical sub-groups of OWS that engage in classical lobbying-practices, namely, “Occupy the SEC” and “Alternative Banking”, are comprised largely of activists that are from a different socio-biographical background. Many of them work in academia, or are organizers or advisers of unions. Ann_OWS, another activist of OWS I spoke to that was highly critical about their abstinence from institutionalized politics, also works in academia and is the board member of an important leftist discussion platform in New York City.
- 33.
Some have wondered if OWS‘ concentration on “Wall Street” as the symbolic target without a broader, more nuanced critique of capitalism does not leave broad openings to structurally Anti-Semitic imaginaries of parasites plaguing an otherwise healthy social body. However, while especially at the beginning, groups from the extreme right tried to use this motive to connect to the movement, these attempts were ultimately futile (cf. Sunshine 2014; Ogman 2013; Taylor 2013; Arnold 2012). I would argue that this is due to the fact (among other things) that the “Bank-Blaming” was in fact not a frame that connected to the habitus of the people involved in the movement, but mostly a more or less contingent secondary rationalization of the fact that one did not know whom to blame. This might also explain why the only protest events I witnessed that targeted an individual banker as a ‘culprit’ ended up rather small and barely attracted any activists I reencountered at other protest events.
- 34.
The alternative interpretation according to which she would refer to three years before the interview was conducted can be ruled out since this would be the year 2011 itself, for which she just articulates her criticism of symbolic tactics.
- 35.
In fact, the very subtleness of the link is what makes it especially strong—disappointment with Obama almost became a Cliché in explanations of OWS. The way in which it is only implicitly brought up, however, indicates that it indeed corresponds with conjunctive experiences shared by OWS’ core constituency, much as it is with the implicit omnipresence of the housing crisis in the case of the TP. The using of the time reference of the original action rather than that of the ‘now’ of the interview indicates that, albeit the proposition has the form of an argument, it still is closely connected to the conjunctive experience of the collective praxis of OWS.
- 36.
- 37.
In “The Order of Things” Foucault highlights that this difference arises as an epistemological problem at a certain historical point in time and sums it up in referring to a quote by de Condillac “to my gaze ‘the brightness is within the rose’; in my discourse, I cannot avoid it coming either before or after it.” Interestingly, Foucault opens this book with the analysis of an image that, in many respects, resembles the method suggested by Bohnsack (Foucault 1994, 82; Bohnsack 2009, 305).
- 38.
Other, more classical depictions of the signing of the constitution are showing the signers and framers of the constitution as a group. A scenery like this could, in contrast to that presented in this image, be read as an invite to take part in the ‘making’ of the constitution, and not just submitting to it.
- 39.
I owe this insight to my friend Holger Kuhn.
- 40.
This gives the image of the abyss a certain affinity with that of an eye—which curiously did not come up as an association in the analysis group—and which brings to the mind one of Friedrich Nietzsche’s aphorisms: “And when you stare for a long time into an abyss, the abyss stares back into you.” (Nietzsche 2002, 69)
- 41.
For the concept of “life-forms” as systems of inert and habitualized practices functioning as “instances of problem-solving”, see Jaeggi (2014, esp. 200–260).
- 42.
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Kumkar, N.C. (2018). Experiencing the Crisis: Results of the Habitus Reconstruction. In: The Tea Party, Occupy Wall Street, and the Great Recession. Critical Political Theory and Radical Practice. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-73688-4_5
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-73688-4_5
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Publisher Name: Palgrave Macmillan, Cham
Print ISBN: 978-3-319-73687-7
Online ISBN: 978-3-319-73688-4
eBook Packages: Political Science and International StudiesPolitical Science and International Studies (R0)