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Time at Sea, Time on Land: Temporal Horizons of Rescue and Refuge in the Mediterranean and Europe

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Abstract

The reigning view of unauthorized and forced Eurobound movements is that, whatever their various shapes, in essence they all impinge on the same contradiction between universal humanity and bounded citizenship. This contradiction now lies at the core of the European political order. Against it, the chapter argues that the period of 2015–2017 aggravated migrants’ plight but also brought several changes of substance and not just in magnitude. I compare the dynamic relationship of migration and its interception along two kinds of routes: over sea and over land. Important features of this relationship include how routes have changed and the way interception policies have been enacted. The framings used by politicians, officials, journalists and activists to understand migration also play a role, too. During the summer of 2015, European authorities and public opinion turned their attention from the Mediterranean alone to a combined focus on the sea and the overland parts of the Western Balkan route. Consequently, the route was considered to terminate not the migrants’ arrival on EU soil but at the last EU stop in their projected voyage. Meanwhile, differences emerged in how the various actors saw the people and their cause or reason for moving along either route: regarding trans-Balkans, the overarching frame for addressing the Mediterranean situation had been “saving lives”, yet it came to be seen as a “refugee crisis”. This difference in framing corresponds to the different role context and history play in the treatment of each route. The maritime scene cast migrants in danger of drowning as the emblems of abstract humanity, bringing to the forefront the obligation of universal hospitality, demanding action without needing a context or history. Against this context-less universality, the landed routes framed people along them as (mostly Syrian) refugees of war, which includes both a context and a history. The obligation these scenes demand of Europeans and their institutions changed as well, going from that of timeless humanitarian benevolence to one of retributive justice.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    https://missingmigrants.iom.int/gmdac-data-briefing-%E2%80%93-central-mediterranean-route-deadlier-ever, accessed October 22, 2017.

  2. 2.

    Earlier, in 2013 Pope Francis chose to conduct his first Pastoral Visitation to the island of Lampedusa, where he decried ‘the globalization of indifference’ to migrants’ deaths at sea. The event received global attention (Vatican 2013), which resurfaced after the disaster in Lampedusa three months later.

  3. 3.

    This has been a running thread of recent writing (Agamben 1998; Mbembe 2003; Fassin 2012; Cabot 2014).

  4. 4.

    I thank Anne-Christine Trémon for this observation.

  5. 5.

    This chapter continues the argument from my previous two pieces on migration and interception in the central Mediterranean (Ben-Yehoyada 2011, 2016).

  6. 6.

    See the reports by Forensic Oceanography (Pezzani and Heller 2013, 2016, 2017).

  7. 7.

    The call to stop the ship from berthing in Zarzis read on Twitter: https://twitter.com/MadjidFalastine/status/894134880401063937.

  8. 8.

    https://www.hrw.org/news/2009/06/09/italy/libya-gaddafi-visit-celebrates-dirty-deal, accessed October 22, 2017.

  9. 9.

    This is the concern that the European Commissioner for Human Rights raised in his letter to the Italian Minister of the Interior; https://www.coe.int/en/web/commissioner/-/commissioner-seeks-clarifications-over-italy-s-maritime-operations-in-libyan-territorial-waters, accessed October 22, 2017.

  10. 10.

    The image circulated on Wednesday, 2 September 2015, the day it was taken. Three-year-old Aylan Kurdi died together with is mother and 5-year-old brother when their boat capsized between the coast near Bodrum and the Greek island of Kos (Smith 2015): “Greek authorities, coping with what has become the biggest migration crisis in living memory, said the boy was among a group of refugees escaping Islamic State in Syria” (my emphasis). The shocking images soon became the topic of conversation as much as the event they captured (Elgot 2015; Istanbul and Toronto 2015; Tharoor 2015) .

  11. 11.

    The action that came to be known as ‘the march of hope’ began on Friday, 4 September, and immediately made the news cycle ( Henley and Agencies 2015).

  12. 12.

    The route across the Aegean and then the Balkan states requires Frontex to count migrants twice—a cause for critique and debate (Frenzen 2015).

  13. 13.

    See the centrality of that route in the last quarterly report, for example on pages 8–9 (Frontex Risk Analysis Unit 2015).

  14. 14.

    See also NATO’s annual report 2016, p. 53.

  15. 15.

    This framing surfaced during 2011 and then stabilized as the basis for critique of EU policies in the Mediterranean “disaster of Lampedusa” in October 2013 (Sunderland 2012; Strik 2012, 2014).

  16. 16.

    This framing has appeared on various platforms (The Guardian 2015; “Who Is Responsible for the Refugee Crisis in Europe?” n.d.; “Europe’s Refugee Crisis Isn’t Only About Syria” n.d.; “The Iraq War: The Root of Europe’s Refugee Crisis–Al Jazeera English” n.d.; “Refugee Crisis in Europe Exposes Asylum Policy Shortcomings–SPIEGEL ONLINE” n.d.).

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Ben-Yehoyada, N. (2018). Time at Sea, Time on Land: Temporal Horizons of Rescue and Refuge in the Mediterranean and Europe. In: Barber, P., Lem, W. (eds) Migration, Temporality, and Capitalism. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-72781-3_4

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-72781-3_4

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  • Publisher Name: Palgrave Macmillan, Cham

  • Print ISBN: 978-3-319-72780-6

  • Online ISBN: 978-3-319-72781-3

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