Abstract
Arguing that early modern English systems of mastery and apprenticeship were as invested in the construction and maintenance of queer childhood as in the production of normative adulthood, this chapter focuses on depictions of queerly unproductive or detrimental apprenticeship in Shakespeare’s Titus Andronicus. While the play does not depict masters or apprentices literally, its focus on generational education and mimicry, along with its conflation of barber-surgery and barbarism, together suggest that the tragedy’s elder generation are in the process of training the play’s youth to become barbaric. Ultimately suggesting that barbarity, like civility, must be taught and learned, the corrupted models of apprenticeship the play depicts advance inverted, distorted, profane versions of the cultural ideal, thereby promoting not progress or improvement but rather a backward, barren, and stagnant cycle of bloodshed, violence, and revenge.
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- 1.
I invoke here Lee Edelman ’s notion of queerness as a position that is “abjected as non-reproductive , anti-social, [and] opposed to viability” in its failure to gesture toward “the Child who assures and embodies collective survival” (2011, 148).
- 2.
Witness for example, Thomas Bentley’s The sixt lampe of virginitie conteining a mirrour for maidens and matrons: or, the seuerall duties and office of all sorts of women in their vocation out of Gods word, with their due praise and dispraise by the same, which warns how “A wise and huswifely woman buildeth her house [by taking paine to profit her familie, and doing that which concerneth her dutie in hir house diligently:] but the foolish dame destroyeth it with hir owne idle hands” (1582, 50), further citing Proverbs 14.1: “Wise woman uphold their house, but a folishe wife plucketh it downe” (The Bible in English 1550).
- 3.
As Ann Rosalind Jones and Peter Stallybrass (2000) remind us, the textile production industry included branches at every stage, from carding and spinning to various types of sewing and needlework. On early modern cloth manufacture as both “the work of women of all classes” (91), as well as the argument that the central issue of women’s work for the writers of early conduct manuals was “the fear of gentlewomen’s idleness” (108), see especially their Chaps. 4 and 5. Spinning thread had from medieval times been regarded as women’s work , and textile manufacture, including the silk industry, had traditionally been run by female masters , most of whom were based in the city of London , importing girls from counties as distant as Norfolk and Warwickshire to train as apprentices . See Dale (1933, 325). Citing two extant indenture agreements in the collection of ancient deeds at the Public Records Office between the girls’ parents and their future mistresses , Dale asserts that “The silkwomen kept the same rules and worked under the same conditions as the men,” since “[t]he terms of service in each case was seven years and the obligations on both sides were similar to those demanded on the occasion of the binding of a male apprentice ” (325). Although it is difficult to ascertain exact numbers, we do know that the silkwomen represented one of the few industries contracting female apprentices with any regularity in that period. See Trigg (2002, 469) and McIntosh (2005, 138–9). There is still considerable scholarly debate about when, where, and how completely female workers were forced out of clothworking guilds throughout Europe. See, for example, Jones and Stallybrass (2000, 111 and n. 45). Laura Gowing argues that, although girls were rarely apprenticed in sixteenth- and early seventeenth-century London, “Much of the piecemeal evidence for what girls were doing in apprenticeships involves the needle” (2016, 452), even after the middle of the seventeenth century, when the demand for female apprentices started to grow substantially.
- 4.
This reading associates early modern English textile production in all its stages and varieties with both the practical value of women’s economic labor , and also with the transcendentalized production of idealized feminine behavior. On textile labor as “a moral ideal prescribed for higher-class women,” see Jones and Stallybrass (2000, 92); see also Crawford (1984). Marcus subjects Lavinia’s losses here to a reading pattern that Jones and Stallybrass argue “dematerialized women’s textile work in order to produce a feminine ideal of behavior, an elite ideal that obscured women’s economic labor in a cloth-based society by transcendentalizing spinning into a symbolic exhibition of virtue ” (103).
- 5.
I read the rather demeaning tasks that Lavinia performs after her attack as oddly akin to the “work without an outcome” that Jones and Stallybrass associate with idealized constructions of female virtue in the period. They make this observation in relation to Renaissance readings of Penelope’s weaving and unweaving in Homer’s Odyssey: “female virtue is constructed through work without an outcome” (2000, 110). In this sense, Lavinia’s queerly unproductive apprenticeship replaces her lost musical and sewing abilities as activity signaling her virtue.
- 6.
I would argue that Lavinia’s being suspended in what Kathryn Bond Stockton identifies as the (modern) queer child ’s “interval of animal ” (2004, 299) from this point forward in the play signals her (animal -like) low status rather than her (animal -like) innocence —a modern Western invention. See Ariès (1962). For a reading of the (modern) queer child ’s entering “the interval of animal ” as a metaphor for sideways growth , and the image of “the dog as a vehicle to the [queer] child’s strangeness,” see Stockton (2004, 280).
- 7.
Vernon Guy Dickson, for example, situates the play’s engagement with patterns of imitative rivalry within the context of humanist-driven grammar school models of emulative self-fashioning, arguing that “The humanist education and practices depicted in the play repeatedly turn to dark and violent renderings,” behind which “lies a strong questioning of the didactic models of self-construction taught by a grammar-school education” and “the humanist reliance on imitative learning practices (2009, 380–1, 388). For Dickson, the play’s focus on the training of youth and “interest in education and emulation” (393) ultimately “explodes the emulative model, revealing its easy descent into error” (389) when characters engage merely in “the rote following of precedent” (395).
- 8.
Act of Parliament 32 Henry VIII. On the frequently repeated attempts to prohibit barbers from illicitly practicing surgery, see Young (1890).
- 9.
For an evocative reading of barbering /barbarian metaphors in Shakespeare ’s The Merchant of Venice , see Parker (2008).
- 10.
Period historians agree that early modern metropolitan apprenticeship was inherently unstable and that the courts easily dissolved indenture contracts, with only about one in two apprentices ever completing their terms of indenture and achieving mastery and civic freedom. For the developmental history linking the term “arrested development ” to the modern concept of queerness as homosexuality , see Stockton , The Queer Child, especially 22–5.
- 11.
According to a 1570 Norwich census of the poor, more than 80% of girls between the ages of 6 and 12 who lived with their textile worker parents labored alongside them. See Houlbrook (1984). Houlbrook bases his claim on J. F. Pound (1971, 40). Cited in Ben-Amos (1994, 41 n. 21). The pin-making industry also employed young girls and boys and, in London , was a source of income for many poor adults and their children of both sexes. See Ben-Amos (1994, 41); Thirsk (1978, 80).
- 12.
See Ben-Amos (1994, 40–2); Clay (1984, 55). Marianne Novy notes that Shakespeare ’s late romances seem particularly engaged in constructions of heredity and parenting and that “The family in early modern England was fluid. There was a high parental death rate and frequent remarriage , and many children experienced substitute parents not only during wet-nursing but later in service , apprenticeship , and other kinds of child exchange (2006, 56). Novy adds that “from about ten years of age on, upper-class children might be sent to other families to learn manners and to bond dynasties, middle-class children to learn trades and professions, and children of all classes to become servants ” (67).
- 13.
See Laslett (1977).
- 14.
Brooks (1994, 53).
- 15.
See Gadd and Wallis (2002, 1–14, 7).
- 16.
For a brief overview of the critical debate about whether and how pre-Industrial European guilds influenced female access to the labor market, see Clare Haru Crowston (2006). Female exclusion from what was routinely regarded as men’s work was so systematic in early modern England that scholars have argued that no conceptual language developed to disambiguate female domestic service from other forms of labor, such as female apprenticeship . See, for example Hanawalt (1986), Crawford and Mendelson (1998), and Humfrey (2011, 8–9). Crawford and Mendelson note that among the lower classes, occupational diversity may have been expected regardless of gender : “At the lowest economic level, both women and men were apparently described more accurately by a paradigm that assumed a multiple occupational subsistence identity, not a single professional work identity” (4). Although female domestic servants tended to be highly mobile girls in the premarital phases of their lives, and contracts for this work tended to be annual, these jobs did not preclude the hiring of married women, those with children, lifelong single women, or widows . Moreover, opportunities for frequent relocation could afford these workers substantial self-determination See Humfrey (2011, 10–11).
- 17.
On the gender specificity of early modern English indenture forms, see Gowing (2016, especially 447–9 and 455ff).
- 18.
Ibid. Suranyi notes that among the female apprentices who migrated to the western shores of the Atlantic, the majority were not convicts but willing servants ; since their contracts were sold to the highest bidders, and since female labor was generally less valued than male service , women and girls tended to raise their labor value by serving longer contracts than those served by men and boys (2014, 204).
- 19.
McIntosh further reports that “this pattern became more pronounced after the passage of the 1598/1601 Poor Laws , which allowed parish officials to place pauper girls into apprenticeship , with no expectation that they would receive any training except in domestic or agricultural work ” (2005, 137).
- 20.
- 21.
McIntosh (2005, 133).
- 22.
See also Roberts (1985). For a dramatic articulation of this point, see the Duke’s comment to Mariana in Shakespeare ’s Measure for Measure : “Why, you are nothing then: neither maid , widow , nor wife ?” (5.1.177). Humfrey further argues that the gaps between these descriptors allowed domestic service for women to become a unique form of wage labor in late-seventeenth-century London . Whereas girls were bound to apprenticeships in housewifery in a variety of towns in the early modern period, by the seventeenth century, most were paupers. Humfrey further notes that “a female servant who performed housewifery acted as a housewife’s proxy in a range of tasks, perhaps especially if she worked for a master in a household without a mistress . For women, domestic service was by tradition roughly equivalent to ‘housewifery,’ a descriptive term that was rather less broad than ‘service’ in its meaning” (2011, 5). See also Meldrum (2000, especially 161–4), who further observes that there was a considerable lack of clarity, particularly among urban apprentices , differentiating domestic and non-domestic service since the term “servant ” was often applied in London records to domestic servants , apprentices , and sometimes even journeymen (27). Peter Laslett concurs that the term included “men and women, boys and girls, working for livings at every agricultural, commercial, and industrial task…. Apprentices, journeymen (when living with their masters , as they often did), ‘hinds,’ ‘maidens’ or ‘maids’ are some of the titles they were given, although the word ‘servant ’ was most often used, and was pretty well universal for the girls and the women” (1977, 61–2).
- 23.
See Ben-Amos (1994, 135) and McIntosh (2005, 135). By the second half of the seventeenth century, once male migration into England’s metropolitan centers declined, it once again became possible for girls and women to obtain formal apprenticeships in London . See Ben-Amos (1994, 136) and Humfrey (2011, 5). For a more detailed discussion of changes in the patterns of apprenticeship , including the boom during 1550 to 1650 and the general decline afterward, see Brooks (1994). On female apprenticeship, particularly among the working classes in premodern England, see Snell (1985), especially Chap. 6, 270–319. McIntosh notes that when the City’s population decreased in the wake of the plague and Great Fire of 1665–1666, the Weavers Company, who had formerly taken legal actions against female weavers, began accepting female apprentices at such a high rate that “during the next forty years, at least 125 women were registered as apprentices , a few of whom completed their terms, became free members of the company, and trained apprentices themselves” (2005, 138).
- 24.
See Weisner (2000) and Ben-Amos (1994, especially 133–55). Some women and girls were indentured , particularly those in poverty who were placed in positions by parish officials or contracted for servitude abroad. For further on the history of “seventeenth-century English… female indentured servants … [who] made up approximately a third of the servants who crossed the Atlantic Ocean in the early modern period” (193), see Suranyi (2014). For another example of a female master hiring a female apprentice , see the case of Luse Jenkins, the wife of Bristol merchant, who took Elianor Collens as an apprentice in silk knitting; see Bristol Record Office Register of Apprentices 04352(3), fo. 243 (cited in Ben-Amos 1994, 111–12 and n. 15). Weisner asserts that although widows were responsible for running their deceased husbands’ shops and paying all guild fees, they could not participate in guild government and were increasingly pressured to relinquish their businesses altogether if they refused to remarry (125).
- 25.
See Ben-Amos (1994, 119–124) and Brooks (1994, 74–5). Brooks argues that the frequency with which court cases document apprentices accusing their masters of mistreatment or failure to teach the craft, and masters charge their apprentices with intractability, lack of diligence, or dishonesty, together suggest that these claims are formulaic and may point in some cases to collusions between masters and apprentices who had agreed to dissolve their contracts.
- 26.
The statute made a minimum of seven years of apprenticeship mandatory throughout England for anyone who wanted to undertake one of several named trades or legal and medical practices, but evidence suggests that throughout the sixteenth century in London the dropout rate among apprentices was as high as 60%, and the statute was not systematically enforced in smaller towns and villages. See Ben-Amos (1994, 130) and Brooks (1994, 54–5).
- 27.
Joseph Oxley, Joseph’s Offering to his Children. Being Joseph Oxley’s Journal. In J. Barclay (ed.) A Select Series, Biographical, Narrative, Epistolary, and Miscellaneous. Chiefly the Productions of Early Members of the Society of Friends (Harvey and Darton 1841) Vol. 5. Quoted in Ben-Amos (1994, 119).
- 28.
See for examples the cases that Young (1890) lists involving complaints and fines against barbers not employing their apprentices appropriately, which I discuss at length elsewhere (Johnston 2010, 97–115, 105).
- 29.
In the colonies, male and female apprentices also complained about professional frustrations, though cases on record were more often brought by males, who likely had easier access to adjudication . In 1640, Anne Belson successfully sued her master Theodore Moyses of Virginia after serving seven of the eight years of her contract in the dairy industry. Belson charged that Moyses had overworked her and ignored her education , and she was awarded a substantial settlement, probably to grant her the professional independence her contract promised. See Suranyi (2014, 208–9).
- 30.
Ben-Amos (1994, 130–1). Thomas Tryon (1695) must be exaggerating when he complains that “there is not one in twenty that serves his time out” (83). Brooks attributes premature apprenticeship terminations to a lack of desire among some boys to become freemen; increasing trade in the suburbs, where formal qualifications were unnecessary; apprentices running away, falling into bad company, or being unable to live with their masters , mistresses , or families; and the lure of mobility (1994).
- 31.
“Grace Starry West argues that the play’s classical allusions suggest not only that “the Romans, even the most well-read, have become as barbaric as their enemies” (1982, 76), but that Rome itself is barbaric and teaches barbarity via Roman literature and letters. For the play’s deployment of “barbarous ” as an Othering strategy, see Antonnucci (2009, 119–30).
- 32.
Ben-Amos notes that in small shops and some crafts, boys and girls as young as ten might offer assistance (1994, 44). Young (1890) includes an entry on for June 23, 1658 that details a boy’s being bound to Katherine Alderson, who advertises in a surviving 1661 broadsheet numerous services provided in her “Barber Chirurgians shop in Sugar-loaf-alley, over aginst Katherin-Creed-Church,” including an “approved good remedy for recovery of the hair of the head or beard ,” a secret “beauty water than takes away all the red spots out of the face, and all sunburn and morphew … A water that takes away the passions of the heart, and makes a chearfull countenance … pills to strengthen the back,” cures for scurvy, gout, rickets, preservation of eyesight, and teeth-whitening services. Katherin Alderson widdow … keeps a barber chrirurgions shop [London 1661?]. Another entry for October 9, 1610 tells how “At this Court was one wyddowe Bryers comitted to the Compter for practising Surgery contrary to the Statutt’ of this Realme” (333). An entry dated December 18, 1660, details the binding of a girl, the daughter of a gentleman, to a Barber-Surgeon and his wife Martha for a seven-year term of apprenticeship (270). For another example, see Claude de Raucourt, Manuscript agreement…attaching Charlotte Aubrey to his wife Elizabeth Chevallier as an apprentice… (1634) [Wellcome Library MS 7468/1].The 1669 depositions of two domestic servants in the case of Mrs. Hubbard against her husband , barber and periwig maker John Hubbard, for divorce includes testimony by Susan Twogood, a servant in the couple’s home, and makes reference to one “Elizabeth… an apprentice to Grace Hubbard [who] learned to make periwigs” (qtd. in Humfrey 2011, 55), which were increasingly becoming fashionable in London after the 1620s, when a prematurely bald Louis XIII set the trend in France by wearing one. Microfilm Chadwyck-Healey Inc. Records of the Court of Arches, Lambeth Palace Library, Hubbard v. Hubbard 1669: Eee3 ff. 242.
- 33.
In her 2000 film Titus (20th Century Fox), director Julie Taymor accentuates this gender reversed power dynamic by having Alan Cumming play the whining child king to Jessica Lange’s indulgent, Machiavellian mother (Cumming was 34 at the time , while Lange was 50). Tamora’s infantilization of Saturninus culminates in a bacchanalian bed scene that depicts her stroking his head as he lies at her breast, mimicking a suckling/nursing posture.
- 34.
“And she called a barber , and shaved his seven heares”: see Gregory Martin’s translation 1609–1610 of Judges 16:19.
- 35.
On the term “shee-barber ,” see Parker (2004, 202) , who cites references to the term’s connoting “common harlot” (1598) and “strumpet” (1611) according to Florio’s Italian-English Worlde of Wordes. For further on the suspicion that barber -shops served as fronts for prostitution , see Johnston , (2010a, 115–35).
- 36.
The references to lopping and hewing Alarbus’s and Lavinia’s limbs occur at 1.1.143 and 2.4.17 respectively.
- 37.
See, for example, the advice of Jan van der Noot: “It is very good that you do washe your face, mouth, eies, & handes with rosewater” (1569, A8v).
- 38.
Early modern moral philosophers like Pierre de la Primaudaye remark how vice proceeds “from mans natural inclination to pleasures and naughty desires,” which, unless “reined with the bit of reason … causeth a man little by little to given over himself to all wicked passions … whereby he becommeth … more wilde and savage than any brute beast ” (1618, 27), but that “science or knowledge … first is able to mollifie mans nature, being before savage and wilde, and make it capable of reason” (30). Regarding Shakespeare ’s treatment of moral philosophy, Anthony Raspa observes that “the limits he puts on the power of evil in human affairs … shows that human evil is willed and the only strength it enjoys is that which men allow it” (2016, 14). Meg Pearson (2010) reads Aaron’s professed tutelage of the boys here vis-à-vis Jonathan Goldberg’s Writing Matters (45), concluding that Aaron is the pedagogue who “inhabits the margins of his world due to his exclusion from the nobility and ruling class, but he also possesses considerable access to those upper echelons because he tutors the sons (and occasionally the daughters) of that world” (35). For Pearson, Titus gradually models his actions on Aaron’s “bloody mind” and eventually “exceeds his teacher by outliving his own revenge” (47), utilizing the immortality of language to do so.
- 39.
- 40.
- 41.
Parker (2004) elucidates the false etymological conflation of barbers and barbarians in the early modern period via the common Latin root barba (2004), and she later (2008) points to the myriad barbering allusions in Shakespeare ’s Merchant to cutting, circumcision, and castration (2008). Shylock’s bloodthirsty knife wielding, the similarity of Launcelot’s name to the lancet or surgical blade, and early modern anxieties about foreign barbers and barbaric foreigners, together suggest that Shylock and Launcelot function as metaphoric barber -surgeon and apprentice . See also Note 9, above. I am grateful to Pat for our lively conversations on the topic of early modern barbering and barbarism while she was writing the latter essay.
- 42.
Young reports that, in 1605, one William Corbet was dismissed from the practice on the accusation of having used sorcery (1890, 327); the Company was evidently familiar with such allegations, since an Act of 1511 forbids the use of “sorcerye and witchcrafte” (73).
- 43.
For a fuller discussion of the term’s multiple nominal, verbal, adjectival, and adverbial connotations in the period, see Johnston (2011, especially 134–40).
- 44.
For further on the erotic implications of these and other terms associated with the barber ’s shop , tools, and services, see Johnston (2010a: 115–35).
- 45.
On the professional diversifications of early modern barbers , see especially Pelling and Webster (1979).
- 46.
The moral of Arthur Golding’s translation of the Aesopian fable about a lame dog and his master explicitly reads the lame dog as a disabled servant or queer apprentice : “This fable taunteth hard-hearted masters which use their servants courteously and feed them with vain hope so long as they be able to take pains and do them service , but not set a straw by them when their bodies be once weakened…” (264). See Blake and Santos (2017). For early modern conceptions of children as economic property, see Busse (2002). See also Pelling and Webster (1979, especially 186–7); and McIntosh (2005, 83).
- 47.
For an account of the barbers ’ right to secure and anatomize an established number of executed malefactors in accordance with Act 32 Henry VIII, see Young (1890, 301). On the barbers ’ implication in the illicit process of curing flesh to sell as mummy, see the entry for July 17, 1578, “That no person or persons of this Companie do presume at anie tyme or tymes hereafter of Anathomies to take and carrie awaie or cause to be taken or carried awaie any parte of the skynn of anie bodie whiche shall at anie tyme hereafter happen to be wrought upon wthin the hall of the misterie and the same tan or cause to be tanned like lether,” together with Young’s observation that the “order was doubtless directed against a prevalent mania for relics of notorious criminals” (320).
- 48.
On the misogynistic depiction of step-mothers in the drama, see Stephen Collins (1999).
- 49.
Although she does not explicitly discuss Titus Andronicus , Wall’s final chapter, “Blood in the Kitchen,” argues that “in linking medicine with butchery, cookbooks invited early modern people to glimpse connections between eating and the anatomist’s dissection theater. Health smacked of licensed bloodshed” (2002, 194–5). Further, Wall notes how “routine tasks might be estranged temporarily, in plays, guides, and perhaps, in practice, so that their affinities with conventionally defined violence were made apparent” (198).
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Johnston, M.A. (2018). Queer Apprenticeship in Shakespeare’s Titus Andronicus. In: Higginbotham, J., Johnston, M. (eds) Queering Childhood in Early Modern English Drama and Culture. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-72769-1_6
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