Abstract
The introduction sets out a number of challenges and contexts for HIV and AIDS in performance in the twenty-first century, including: the financial interests of the pharmaceutical industry; the vast disparities in experience in the Global North and Global South; the problematic division between dominant (read: white, gay, urban, cis-male) and marginalised narratives of HIV; and the ongoing stigmatisation of people living with HIV. While the practice and scholarship covered in the book vary considerably, we propose that one way to frame the analysis of the heterogeneous works presented here is to consider their dramaturgies as ‘viral’. Building on the work of queer and feminist performance scholars, this critical frame draws attention to the embodied and affective experience of live performance: like a virus, performance moves into the body’s system producing change not only at an individual but also at a community level through affect.
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Notes
- 1.
Different contexts have led to different terminologies and we have urged our contributors to be as specific as possible regarding their use of HIV (human immunodeficiency virus) to designate the virus that attacks the human immune system and AIDS (acquired immunodeficiency syndrome) to designate a clinical syndrome and the collection of various opportunistic diseases and infections that attack the body as a result of a weakened immune system. The acronyms HIV and AIDS should not be conflated. Language constructs reality and can have a stigmatising, victimising, pathologising or insulting effect. In line with contemporary guidelines by and for agencies dealing with HIV, as well as journals or activists writing about HIV, we have decided to use ‘HIV and AIDS’ over ‘HIV/AIDS’. UNAIDS broadly suggest that ‘the expression HIV/AIDS should be avoided whenever possible because it can cause confusion’, not least when it comes to concrete prevention and treatment methods (2015: 8), though in the same document they refer to themselves as the ‘Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS’ (ibid: 3). The Center for HIV Law and Policy in New York points to a style guide issued by HIV Plus Mag (2014) that criticises the designation HIV/AIDS for making it seem as if the two were interchangeable. The National Association of People Living with HIV Australia (NAPWHA) emphasises the need to scrutinise ‘the language we use around HIV. Some of it, such as “HIV/AIDS”, has served its time. “HIV” alone is adequate as it encompasses all stages of the disease’ (2013: 2). This assertion, we might point out, assumes a position of privilege that takes access to treatment for granted and disregards the fact that, in many parts of the world, people are still dying of AIDS-related diseases.
- 2.
In our introduction and our own chapters we have chosen the terms Global North and Global South as these most effectively indicate the demarcations between nations and populations as part of an economic and socio-political, rather than strictly geographical, map. In the inaugural issue of The Global South journal, postcolonial English scholar Alfred López argues that the term needs to be understood as a response and reaction to the political, economic and environmental failures of processes and discourses of globalisation that have left a large part of the world population disenfranchised, displaced and without any influence over decision-making procedures that affect their lives. López stresses that the concept of the Global South exceeds that of the former colonies and also includes marginalised, often immigrant or racialised, constituencies in Western metropolises, in addition to white working-class populations faced with the harsh realities of global capitalism. He asserts that ‘[t]he global South also marks, even celebrates, the mutual recognition among the world’s subalterns of their shared condition at the margins of the brave new neoliberal world of globalization’ (2007: 3).
- 3.
In a letter to the editor of the Journal of the International AIDS Society, independent consultant Sophie Dilmitis et al. (2012) argue that using the acronyms PLHIV or PLWA risks numbing the reader to the fact that we are actually talking about human beings, hence our decision to spell out ‘people living with HIV’ and ‘people living with AIDS’.
- 4.
Throughout the volume, we have made the decision to capitalise ‘Black’ and leave ‘white’ uncapitalised. This is in line with current anti-racist activism and scholarship that problematise global imbalances of power and draw attention to the marginalisation of Black people’s experiences and identities (see, for example, Kapitan, 2016; Perlman, 2013).
- 5.
Robert McRuer’s seminal work, Crip Theory: Cultural Signs of Queerness and Disability (2006) interweaves disability and HIV; for valuable studies of theatre made by people living with disabilities, see Johnson 2012; Fox and Sandahl 2018. Cathy Cohen has studied the impact of HIV on, and the activist resistance organised by, Black populations in North America (1999). On the rich performance cultures of Latinx communities, see Albuquerque 2004; Johnson and Rivera-Servera 2016; Muñoz 1999, 2009; Román 1998, 2000, 2006; Sandoval-Sánchez 1994, 1999; Sandoval-Sánchez and Saporta Sternbach 2001. For an in-depth study of the impact of HIV in contemporary Russia, recently identified by UNAIDS as part of ‘The Prevention Gap’ (2016), see Pape 2016. For critical analyses of performances related to HIV and AIDS by long-time survivor Ron Athey, see Johnson 2013.
- 6.
Dean has since expanded on his theories by analysing the relationship between viral consanguinity and queer temporalities to explore ‘what it might mean to self-consciously expose oneself to temporal contingency and to finitude’ (2011: 76).
- 7.
We are grateful to artist, activist and woman living with HIV Kim Davis for her input and advice on this area.
- 8.
Here, we might also point to Erving Goffman’s use of dramaturgy as a sociological principle of human interaction in his landmark study The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life (1956).
- 9.
The large-scale demonstrations of ACT UP in the late 1980s and early 1990s are amongst the most emblematic performances of activism. Inspired by artist and activist group Gran Fury , ACT UP created a unique visual and highly theatrical culture in its public protests and skilfully used the presence of the media as a tool to draw attention to governmental neglect of the crisis (Crimp and Rolston, 1990; Halperin, 1995).
- 10.
- 11.
- 12.
Truvada contains two drugs—emtricitabine and tenofovir disoproxil fumarate—in the single pill. There are generic forms of these drugs available, notably those manufactured in India, which are bioequivalent to Truvada . As of May 2014, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention in Atlanta endorse taking the single pill Truvada in conjunction with condoms as part of an effective PrEP strategy. It is important to note that PrEP is not the same as Treatment as Prevention (TasP): PrEP is a set of prevention strategies undertaken by people who are not living with HIV; TasP refers to the additional benefit of significantly reducing the risk of HIV transmission to HIV-negative partners when people living with HIV use antiretroviral medication for their own HIV treatment. See: Australian Federation of AIDS Organisations, 2017. For an updated chart of countries that have implemented PrEP , see PrEPWatch , http://www.prepwatch.org/. We are grateful to Jennifer Audsley for scientific advice on HIV and AIDS.
- 13.
Around the same time, the founder and president of the US AIDS Healthcare Foundation, Michael Weinstein, condemned Truvada as ‘a party drug’ (quoted in Associated Press 2014). Even the pioneering AIDS activist Larry Kramer initially spoke out against PrEP , calling it a ‘cowardly’ alternative to condoms and pointing out the risk of gay men becoming complacent (quoted in Healy 2014). US ACT UP activist Peter Staley (2014) lamented the fact that Truvada had led to new divisions within gay communities, with gay men shaming one another, seemingly unaware of the solidarity within the community at the height of the AIDS crisis and not realising that shame is one of the major impediments to HIV prevention.
- 14.
Duran (2015) later publicly stated his regret about his initial statement about Truvada, actively crediting Zebovski for his work. In December 2015 a group of AIDS activists including Staley and Kramer (who, by then, had also revised his opinion on Truvada) released a joint statement that embraced PrEP , but also called out Gilead Sciences for its ‘abusive pricing of its near monopolies on drugs that treat and prevent HIV’ (Kramer et al. 2015).
- 15.
Clinical researcher Jennifer Audsley, who is working on clinical trials of PReP in Victoria, Australia, explains: ‘The question of availability versus affordability is important, and again draws attention to how the community is providing the most effective responses to pharma and inadequate government responses. In Australia, for example, there is a community-led response to provide PrEP access to all who want it. Truvada is now approved by the Therapeutic Goods Association (TGA), but not listed on the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme (PBS). This means Truvada would cost ~$13,500 per year. Generics can be bought on the internet for about $1,350 per year – which is still too expensive for many. Community support for personal importation of generics is available across of range of HIV and AIDS agencies’ (personal email, 22 May 2017). See also: Ending HIV 2017.
- 16.
Campbell worked as Abdoh’s assistant director on Bogeyman , and this book is an example of how his work has spread virally via collaborators deeply influenced by him making new work of their own, or teaching about his work through educational curricula in theatre training institutions and beyond. One of the most influential ways knowledge about Reza and his work has spread is through the feature-length documentary Reza Abdoh: Theatre Visionary (2015), directed by long-time collaborator Adam Soch . See http://www.rezaabdohdocumentaryfilm.com.
- 17.
Once HIV and AIDS morphed from being a lethal disease to a potentially manageable condition, some segments of queer communities, in particular white gay middle-class men, turned their back on politics and activism and embraced a neoliberal and homonormative ethos of consumption and hyper-individualism (which harks back to the criticism surrounding Truvada). Gender scholar Lisa Duggan has identified this gradual depoliticisation and commercialisation of white gay male communities as homonormativity , that is, ‘a politics that does not contest dominant heteronormative assumptions and institutions, but upholds and sustains them’ (2003: 50).
- 18.
Examples include: Larry Kramer’s The Normal Heart (1985), that not only received its belated Broadway premiere in 2011, but was also brought back by Toronto’s Buddies in Bad Times Theatre in 2011, before being adapted into an acclaimed HBO feature film in 2014; Tony Kushner’s Angels in America (1993–6) which was revived Off-Broadway (2010), in Toronto (2013), Sydney (2013), London (2017) and Stockholm (2018), adapted into an HBO miniseries (2003) and into an opera that opened in Paris in 2004; a fringe revival of My Night with Reg (1994) by the late Kevin Elyot in London in 2014; and Tommy Murphy’s 2006 play and 2015 film adaptation of the Australian novel Holding the Man (1995) by the late Timothy Conigrave. Added to this are documentaries such as We Were Here (dir.: David Weissman and Bill Weber 2011), How to Survive a Plague (dir.: David France 2012), Vito (dir.: Jeffrey Schwarz 2011) and United in Anger : A History of ACT UP (prod. Jim Hubbard and Sarah Schulman 2012), all of which explore the impact of the AIDS crisis on queer communities in the USA and the resulting forms of activist protests.
- 19.
For an historical contextualisation of the public backlash against and discrimination of gay and queer communities at the height of the AIDS crisis in Canada, see Kinsman 1996: 330–74.
- 20.
For updated information on HIV and international criminal laws, see the HIV Justice Network, and the ‘HIV and the Criminal Law’ section of the UK National AIDS Manual (NAM).
- 21.
In recent years, however, lower courts and appeal courts have become more receptive to the so-called Swiss Statement , which refers to an announcement made in January 2007 by HIV physicians of the Swiss National AIDS Commission. According to this statement, a person living with HIV who is following a strict regime of antiretroviral therapy, has a repressed viral load and is not a carrier of any other sexually transmittable infections, ‘is not sexually infectious, i.e. cannot transmit HIV through sexual contact’ (‘Swiss Statement’ 2008).
- 22.
As Schulman argues: ‘Implicit in the court rulings is the idea that negative people are not legally responsible to protect themselves from HIV, and that, in fact, the responsibility lies only with the positive partner’ (2016: 119). Needless to say, the courts’ attitude disregards decades of activism that lobbied for safer sex practices.
- 23.
For an ongoing, global study started in 2008 to identify, document and challenge HIV stigma and discrimination that is sensitive to the respective national context and provides results in individual country reports, see People Living with HIV Stigma Index, http://www.stigmaindex.org/, date accessed 7 May 2017.
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Acknowledgements
For valuable advice and careful editorial guidance, we are grateful to Jennifer Audsley, Aengus Carroll, Kim Davis, Peter Dickinson, Stephen Farrier, Ann Fox, Ola Johansson, Dion Kagan, Monica Pearl and John Potvin.
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Campbell, A., Gindt, D. (2018). Viral Dramaturgies: HIV and AIDS in Performance in the Twenty-First Century. In: Campbell, A., Gindt, D. (eds) Viral Dramaturgies. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-70317-6_1
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