Abstract
This chapter more explicitly examines what supporters and donors hoped to gain from their involvement with the school. First, I examine discourses concerning Christian obligations, responsibilities, and relationships. Second, I examine the ethics of international volunteering. Third, I examine how trust is central to fundraising. Fourth, the UK charity sector is considered and problematised. The chapter concludes with a consideration of how prominent supporters evaluated the South African government. Thematically, the reader is again drawn back to the colonial period, as I question the salience and mutation of historical forms of political interference and paternalism.
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Notes
- 1.
I recorded this quotation and the reference to Joel (2:25) from a website (Marszalek 2008: np) written by a lady who had heard Mary speak in London during 2008.
- 2.
In offering this analysis, I am running on the assumption that Susan would understand this assertion about the link between hope and Christianity in her capacity as a vicar and theologian.
- 3.
In my experience, the processes of planning and delivering advertising pitches and school lessons are remarkably similar. You have an objective and a lesson/pitch plan. In each case, audiences need convincing that you have the right answers and that they should buy into the ideas that you’re selling. There is room for questions, but not too many. The audience has to appear interested even if they, perhaps like you, have no real investment in what is being discussed. As one colleague said, advertising “is all smoke and mirrors”, not unlike (bad) teaching. It is perhaps unsurprising that both domains have increasingly drawn from psychology and psychologists in their efforts to convince audiences—be they six-year-olds staring at screens in classrooms or living rooms—to want what is being sold, be that a qualification or new toy.
- 4.
She didn’t say ‘from God’ and ‘to others’, however, I have inserted the words to emphasise the fact that her Christianised reasoning factored in the promotion of such logic.
- 5.
The idea that intervening in the affairs of ‘disprivileged Africans’ is a means by which individuals can come to terms with their own privilege is not a new one. In his widely shared and published series of tweets on ‘The White Savior Industrial Complex’ – “the power relations that privileged outsiders and their African agents try to enforce on the continent” (James Schneider 2015: np) – Teju Cole (2012: np) asserts that the endeavour “is not about justice. It is about having a big emotional experience that validates privilege.”
- 6.
Similarly, Allahyari (2000: 4) asserts that Christian-oriented social service agencies for the homeless in America offer volunteers the opportunity to pursue “self-betterment” and to craft “a more virtuous, and often more spiritual” disposition, through a process that she terms “moral selving”.
- 7.
Rabbitts (2012: 274) similarly recognised “the importance of face-to-face inspiration and embodied evangelistic performances in environments where friendship and rapport can be fostered over time” while researching the fundraising techniques of a well-known Christian child sponsorship agency. She (ibid.) says that such exchanges “not only [stimulated] charitable action, but also [offered an] antidote to the corporate feel of [the charity’s] large-scale, professionalised appearance”.
- 8.
Rabbitts (2013: 281) similarly expresses how important “the charismatic inspiration of key individuals” is to evangelical, emotionally laden appeals for charitable funds.
- 9.
It was Jesus who, in his martyrdom, originally suffered most for God (and humans on earth): “he was pierced for our transgressions; he was crushed for our iniquities; upon him was the chastisement that brought us peace, and with his wounds we are healed” (Isaiah, 53: 5). The notion that Christians can similarly enact their faith and become enjoined with God, in this life and Heaven, by enduring suffering and selflessness is conveyed numerous times in the Bible. For example: “it has been granted to you on behalf of Christ not only to believe in him, but also to suffer for him” (Philippians, 1: 29). And: “Whoever finds their life will lose it, and whoever loses their life for my sake will find it” (Matthew, 10: 39). Peter the apostle (2: 20) conveys the doctrine clearly when stating “if when you do what is right and suffer for it you patiently endure it, this finds favor with God”. He (4:16) continues: “if you suffer as a Christian, do not be ashamed, but praise God that you bear that name”. The promised outcome of such endeavour? “After you have suffered for a little while, the God of all grace, who called you to His eternal glory in Christ, will Himself perfect, confirm, strengthen and establish you” (Peter, 5:10).
- 10.
I use the word ‘inspired’ in this sentence, with knowledge of its Latin origins (i.e. inspīrāre), to argue that Mary was alluding to the idea that God had breathed life into her body.
- 11.
Likewise, the Catholic sisters in Scherz’s (2014: 115) ethnography “place their trust [regarding the expenditure of charitable funds] in cultivated virtue and in their invisible accountability to God”. In the case of Susan’s relationship with Mary, this dynamic was similarly effective, but reversed, as Susan explains: “Mary just took me on trust [when I asked to volunteer ], which in a way [is not surprising], being a priest [means that I am not demanding of] an enormous amount of trust [from others].”
- 12.
It is perhaps significant that Joyce was left to step into Mary’s sizeable shoes without the assistance of personalised prayer . This fact may illustrate that UK supporters were more concerned about Mary’s experience of the transition. However, the statement could also be read as a suggestion that prayers should be offered for all of the staff remaining at the school, including Joyce, and that Mary was singled out because she would soon be excluded from this group and would, therefore, require prayers that had been extended out to her individually.
- 13.
Rabbitts (2012: 266) offers similar analysis when she writes “charitable space does not consist of autonomous, coherent entities each with their own consistent, stable properties, but of fluid, intertwining ‘tangles’”. However, her interest lies more in the extent to which institutional forms of organisation are understandable as networks, rather than the extent to which lives caught up in ‘charitable space’ are mutually constitutive.
- 14.
Mary’s provision of such opportunity might well be an integral component of fund- and support-generating activities in the charity sector more broadly. Orgad and Seu (2014: np) argue that “If the upset is not manageable, it is followed by a switching off and further distancing from humanitarian issues.”
- 15.
Kathryn McHarry (2013) suggests that ‘sponsors’ of Senegalese preschool children engage in prayer in a similar way (i.e. as a means to bring about particular futures for the young recipients of their donations).
- 16.
This statement is all the more telling because her congregation in the UK were fearful they were not ‘reaching out’ to young people in the local area. Perhaps, to generalise, a dismantled ‘sense of community’ and the promotion of individualism in the UK (similar to those discourses fostered at Ngomso) added to the allure of connections with young people in South Africa.
- 17.
When reporting the opening of the first Church of England school in Grahamstown’s location during 1857, Rev. Cornford (cited in SPG 1858: 16) elicited support from British-based readers of Global Missionary : “we pray, and ask your prayers , that [the school] may, by GOD’s blessing, prosper”. In the aforementioned letter written in 1857, regarding the opening of the same school, the young UK-based recipient is told “If you really pity [the young ‘natives’ living in Grahamstown], you will pray for them; and if you are sincere, when you pray for them, you will willingly and cheerfully do what you can to help them” (E.W., cited in SPG 1858: 31).
- 18.
The dialogue between child sponsors and those sponsored is an obvious exception to this, which, I believe, works in a similar way to how prayer provides a bridge between donor and beneficiary.
- 19.
Geographers have increasingly been concerned with similar themes of scholarship (e.g. Lee and Smith 2014; Proctor 1998; Smith 1997), following a ‘moral turn’ in the discipline, comparable to that of anthropology. Scholars have considered how the geographical distance between individuals, which has often been (problematically) conflated with difference or ‘otherness’, influences relations of care, including humanitarian ones (Barnett and Land 2007).
- 20.
Bornstein (2012: 65) argues that public discourses such as these, which surround NGOs and those who work for them in clouds of suspicion, “have a dual moral function: they circulate suspicion in attempts to keep corruption at bay, and they express (more indirectly) suspicion of contemporary institutions”. In the case of my research, they were also intimately intertwined with historical discourses relating to colonialism and racial oppression.
- 21.
Cabot (2013: 452), following De Certeau, describes such “modes of agency” as a “kind of tactical manoeuvring”. De Certeau’s consideration of negotiations of structures imposed by those more powerful , most notably understood as processes of readjustment and ‘making-do’, is, indeed, helpful. During my research, those securing resources were not fully responsible for the conditions within which their attempts to secure aid/schooling took place, but they were very capable of navigating them. Further on in this book, I consider the related notion of ‘hustling’ by invoking Lévi-Strauss’ (1962) theorisation of ‘bricolage’, which ties into the discussion here.
- 22.
The fact that particular formations of individuality and personhood were validated or invalidated every time the members of staff made a judgement about a potential enrolment, a processes which served to maintain the very structures that the young benefactors had to navigate, was not, I believe, a consciously enacted mode of dominance. Similarly, I do not believe that they actively set out to dominate others through their impositions of exclusionary criteria. However, like those seeking enrolment, the staff were bound to engage with others according to these same structures of uneven power.
- 23.
The exception to this claim is the attention that my interlocutors paid to transforming South Africa’s schooling system more broadly. However, there were also transformative limits of this endeavour.
- 24.
The focus here is the relationships that supporters of the Friends had with the ANC government. However, the ‘complete picture’ is more complicated. The ANC have been under increasing pressure for service delivery across all sectors of government and from populations that cross the racial divides of apartheid. Sudarsan Raghavan (2012: np), of the Washington Post, recently penned an article entitled “South Africa loses faith with the ANC .” During my research in 2011, Julius Malema was on the rise as a very public critic of the administration. At the time of writing, he is currently the leader of the Economic Freedom Fighters, a political party that appealed to some of my interlocutors, who were disgruntled with the ANC but who had not enjoyed the privileges of apartheid.
- 25.
It was rare for Catholicism to be so prominent in the school. Mary explained his presence by saying “we worship the same God [so I am happy for him to be here].”
- 26.
See Basopu (2010) for a review of the ECDoE’s accounting irregularities that preceded my research in 2011.
- 27.
These three quotes are all comments that have been posted beneath articles in online newspapers by registered users of each site, who, as far as I know, were not employees of the publications when responding to the articles. The first statement is by a user named ‘Gladiator71’ (written in response to “Our Education System is in Crisis,” 2012). The second is by a user named ‘Monique Goosen’ (written in response to SAPA & M&G Online Reporter 2012). The third is by a user named ‘Shaman sans Frontiers’ (written in response to ibid.).
- 28.
My friends and colleagues in South Africa, especially those I met through Rhodes University or the Rotary Club, also keenly questioned Zuma’s credentials and political achievements. Unlike Mandela , who was educated in the missionary tradition and had professional credentials as a lawyer, Zuma did not matriculate from high school. He practices polygamous marriage and turned down an invitation to visit the UK in order to attend the wedding of President Mugabe’s daughter. Moreover, he frequently acknowledges the importance of his Zulu heritage and has pushed to enshrine a Traditional Courts Bill into law, as a means of providing ‘traditional leaders’ with ‘African’ judicial and legislative powers (Mnisi 2015). Beyond his (alleged) misappropriation of public money, there was, in other words, much about him that didn’t sit well with many critics of his government, especially those who did not share his preference for ‘African tradition’.
- 29.
Wedel (2004: np) cites the example of two Harvard University employees, including a noted economics professor, who (it was ruled in court) conspired to defraud the US Government. She goes on to detail similar networks and practices of corruption in Poland and Russia. I might also cite the example of the ‘expenses scandal’ regarding UK politicians.
- 30.
Several of these factors are drawn from the analysis of Chisholm (2013).
- 31.
A copy of the poster can be found at http://www.iwm.org.uk/collections/item/object/1435 (accessed 11.02.2015).
- 32.
In 2011, when I first started to talk to Chris de Wet, my supervisor at the time, about my research interests, he recommended Colson’s books. In 2013, he also visited the 97-year-old as part of a research project.
- 33.
At present, it is my intention to write a separate paper about the specific problems associated with the school’s building and facilities, which will analyse the specificities of the DoE’s response to the court action in more detail. In this chapter, I am more concerned with understanding how and when human rights discourses entered into the equation as a mode of conceptualising responsibilities and obligations.
- 34.
Similarly, Article 26 of The Universal Declaration of Human Rights declares that “everyone has the right to education [i.e. schooling] and that elementary education shall be compulsory” (UN 1948: np).
- 35.
De Boeck and Honwana (2005: 3) argue that the portrayal of “Children and youth … as innocent and vulnerable, in need of adult protection … predominates in international law on children’s rights”. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (cited in Ennew 2002: 338) informs us that children are “entitled to special care and assistance” and to “grow up in a family environment, in an atmosphere of happiness, love and, understanding”. South Africa’s Children’s Act (Republic of South Africa 2005: np) similarly insists that “children … should grow up in a family environment and in an atmosphere of happiness, love and understanding”.
- 36.
In particular, such discourses are employed to morally justify the activities of other charities and NGOs that promote ‘poor children’s rights’ (Nieuwenhuys 2001: 541–3; also see Pupavac 2001).The mandate of World Vision, for example, “tries to bring disadvantaged children into line with international discourses about appropriate lives for children” relating to human rights and access to education (Cheney 2007: 191).
- 37.
According to notes taken during the workshop, only two cases brought by the LFP have not been settled with the DoE . However, in the Ngomso case and others, the terms of settlement have not been met.
- 38.
Elsewhere, the Comaroff and Comaroff (1997: 9) have argued that the foundation for the human rights movement was established during the “civilising mission” of colonialism, when “right became rights”.
- 39.
Zigon (2013: 722, 734) argues that “the realization of human rights entails constant and continuous moral struggle and vigilance”, which he compares to “the continuous struggle and vigilance advocated by some Christianities against sin ”. This analogy is apt for the staff, however, I know that at least one key actor from the LFP was not motivated by Christian faith. Moreover, as far as I can see, the LFP does not associate itself with a religious tradition and its legal arguments are certainly not put forth with religious justification. However, the founder of the LFP was religious and his mother was an active supporter of religious charities. While it would therefore be inaccurate to separate religious faith from the activities of the LFP, given also the inseparability of South African schooling from Christianity, religious imperatives were not central to their activities.
- 40.
In an article that I cannot quote from directly because it would compromise their anonymity, Jimmy Taylor and a colleague similarly say that they are aware of the fact that litigation alone cannot overcome systemic issues of failing school infrastructures or issues relating to the schooling system in South Africa more broadly.
- 41.
This arrangement resulted from the fact that the LFP most regularly pursued structural interdicts in its dealings with the DoE , including in the Ngomso case. This results in the court “supervising government plans to remedy rights violations” (Ebadolahi 2008: 1568). The government is ordered to provide a remedial plan of action to the court, laying out how it will rectify any lacking access to constitutional rights. The court then ratifies the plan, or seeks revision(s), and finally oversees and legally enforces its implementation (ibid.; Mbazira 2009: 164–223).
- 42.
For instance, in 2015, I attended the Annual Conference of the Comparative and International Education Society, which had the theme: “Ubuntu ! Imagining a Humanist Education Globally”.
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Pattenden, O. (2018). The Politics of Responsibility. In: Taking Care of the Future. Anthropological Studies of Education. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-69826-7_6
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