Abstract
This chapter highlights divisions that have endured and mutated as South Africa has emerged from apartheid. I first examine interlocutors’ attempts to evade ‘moral decay’ and ‘corrupting influences’ with private schooling. Offering a point of contrast, I analyse how other interlocutors located accountability for ‘moral decay’ in the increased prominence of human rights discourses, which can limit the freedom parents and communities have to educate their offspring. This argument illustrates how, in the view of some South Africans, certain aspects of post-apartheid governance have curtailed, rather than extended, ethical freedoms. Finally, I examine attempts to secure comfort and protection using violence, particularly when access to alternative options was limited.
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Notes
- 1.
From this point onward, I employ the terms ‘location’, ‘township’, and ‘town’ as per everyday usage of my interlocutors (i.e. without capitalisation or scare quotes).
- 2.
There is no official ‘poverty line’ in South Africa. The figures from the ECSECC are based upon R1892 ($177) per month for an average-sized family in Port Elizabeth , Eastern Cape.
- 3.
Eastern Cape industries were supported by government subsidies during apartheid. However, the area experienced pervasive de-industrialisation as activity dissolved along with the subsidies. Indeed, the Eastern Cape has been particularly vulnerable to companies exploiting globalised competition, manufacturing, and distribution procedures (Bank 2011: 211). Other than its university, schools, and shops, Grahamstown has little industry.
- 4.
I helped Mrs Noni organise her data and produced tables and charts that she could use. She was happy for me to use this data, in return for this assistance. The respondents knew their answers were being recorded and I have maintained their anonymity.
- 5.
Car ownership in South Africa stood at 165 per 1000 population in 2010, which is comparable to 809 in the US and 519 in the UK (‘List of Countries by Vehicles per Capita’ 2015).
- 6.
The RDP programme was replaced by the Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR) programme in June 1996 (Bundy 2014: 61). However, my interlocutors continued to refer to any government-funded housing projects as “RDP houses”.
- 7.
In 2011, the Eastern Cape was the highest ranked province for the use of paraffin and wood for cooking, unsafe water for drinking , and inadequate sanitation (ECSECC 2011). Internet access was rare (ibid.). One local civic activist (Kota, cited in Jack 2011: np) suggested that Grahamstown was “one of the worst areas in the province in terms of service delivery”. Figures from the Eastern Cape Socio Economic Consultative Council (ECSECC 2012b) state that 71% of households in the Makana Municipality (including Grahamstown) had flush or chemical toilets in 2010.
- 8.
In isiXhosa, Grahamstown is named Rhini; a word used by some individuals in the locality to denote the specific area of the city denoted as Black during apartheid (i.e. Grahamstown East). The fact that the city is officially known as Grahamstown is contentious because Colonel John Graham is held to have led a particularly brutal military campaign against the Xhosa . Relatedly, there have been calls for the city to be officially (re)named Rhini. In 2005, President Thabo Mbeki (2005) stated: “Rhini had a place name before it became Grahamstown and if some people say we should return to the traditional name of this place and another says no, we should keep the current name that was born out of the system of colonialism it raises a tension because we want an inclusive South Africa that belongs to all who live in it.” ANC councillors supported a name-change in 2007, which was opposed by members of the Democratic Alliance (DA) (IOL, ‘Councillors Pick a New Name for Grahamstown’ 2007). In 2013, the issue was still, according to a local journalist (Onceya 2013: np), “arguably the city’s hottest topic”. More recently, journalists writing in the national press have pressed for the name-change (e.g. Dlanga 2014). These events relate to wider contestation concerning South Africa’s colonial past, which has seen a statue of the British colonialist Cecil Rhodes pulled down at the University of Cape Town and a statue of Paul Kruger, former President of the South African Republic, defaced in Pretoria.
- 9.
As the most prominent social security provisions, pensions for Blacks “rose fivefold in real terms between 1970 and 1993” while benefits for Whites “fell by a third” (Woolard et al. 2010: 7).
- 10.
‘Robberies with aggravating circumstances’ increased in Grahamstown from 44 in 2004 to 344 in 2011 (Crime Stats 2015).
- 11.
Swartz most prominently uses the word ‘skollies’ to demark this typified moral stance. However, I do not recall hearing this Afrikaans word during my research.
- 12.
Mayer (1961: 75) argues that other interlocutors, “the townspeople”, whose sons may have become tsotsis , “offered more complex and realistic theories” to explain the existence of tsotsis . “They would speak in terms of working mothers, overcrowding, lack of work opportunity for juveniles, the influence of the bioscope and so on”, he (ibid.) continues.
- 13.
Three educators who appeared to be wealthier than most had husbands who worked at the ECDoE.
- 14.
In support of my observation, Mark Hunter (2010: 106) argues that in the period following 1994: “Areas denoted as black under apartheid remained sites of the most extreme poverty . As both a cause and a consequence of this, social mobility [for many South Africans] typically required a new form of geographical mobility: a move out of a poor area to a richer one.”
- 15.
Swartz (2009: 65) offers a similarly deterministic notion of “morality of inevitability (or located morality)”. She (ibid.) writes: “It is not only by placing yourself in a location that determines your moral stance, but also by virtue of merely living in a township that the nature of your moral stance if determined.” Swartz (ibid: 75) talks about a spatialised morality that one cannot separate themselves from; it is an uncontrollable force: “[township] youth simply absorbed the morality of the prevailing township culture”.
- 16.
In the 2010 census, 86.8% of the Brazilian population declared themselves Christians (64.6% Roman Catholic, 22.2% Protestant), 8% as non-religious, and 5.2% as followers of other religions (‘Religion in Brazil’ 2014).
- 17.
Following Klees (2008: 312), I take ‘neoliberal education’ to mean: “the increased use of some form of user fees; the privatisation of more educational activities; and the direct connection of management and financing of education to measurable output”.
- 18.
Before and during apartheid, the ANC did not only share ideas about economic policy with the Soviet Union. Josiah Gumede, who was taught by Robert Miller in the early to mid-1880s, was the first ANC president to travel to the USSR. In 1927, he attended “the tenth anniversary celebrations of the Russian revolution” in Moscow and “met the Soviet leader, Joseph Stalin ” (Zuma 2012: np). Gumede (cited in van Diemel 2001) returned to South Africa, impressed by his hosts: “I have seen the new world to come, where it has already begun.” During apartheid, the Soviet Union supported the ANC and the South African Communist Party, the ANC’s partner in the Tripartite Alliance (together with the Congress of South African Trade Unions), with financial aid and military training for their armed wing Umkhonto we Sizwe (‘Spear of the Nation’).
- 19.
Some academics suggest that such arrangements are appropriate when resources remain limited (Rose 2007; Tooley and Dixon 2006). However, others argue that they have resulted in the privatisation of the South African schooling system and maintained, or even increased, inequities and access limitations (Sayed and Ahmed 2011; Motala and Dieltiens 2010). In this view, although government budgets for schools catering to the poorest catchment populations were five times higher than average, schools charging fees were better resourced and provided better educations.
- 20.
One of Mayer’s (1961: 86) interlocutors is quoted as saying, “When uncircumcised boys are rude and irresponsible, and have no respect for their elders, beating is our traditional way of training them.” In this chapter, I focus on forms of punishment , rather than the specifics of generational categorisations of male Xhosas and their initiations, which are considered in greater depth in Chap. 7.
- 21.
Mayer (1961: 85) argues that “any responsible-minded senior [i.e. initiated man]” could discipline any Xhosa boy or young man “when [the appropriate] occasion [arose]”.
- 22.
The following quotation, taken from a teacher working elsewhere in the Eastern Cape (cited in Reed 2014: 83), reflects my interlocutors’ concerns: “In our culture, Xhosas , we knew that if you did something wrong, your mother and your father are going to beat you. But children of today, they don’t do that. Once you beat him or her, they’ll go to the police station. So in that, they are free to do anything.”
- 23.
Foucault’s (1977a) treatise on changing practices of discipline and relations of power —that is, that bodies are not punished for moral transgressions, instead, individuals are encouraged, or coerced, to govern themselves—is relevant to this analytical point.
- 24.
Mr Draai’s comments can be compared with Mayer’s (1961: 86) report on a ‘vigilante crusade’ in the township of East London: “[On] the second day of the beatings, ten youths were treated at the Frere Hospital for lacerations inflicted by sticks. . . . But nobody was killed. The country-born men claimed that they knew how to use their sticks ‘to teach a lesson’ without inflicting death; and townsmen, who had feared ‘massacres’, had to admit their admiration of this ‘skill’.”
- 25.
Others have considered how democratic and ‘neoliberal’ forms of governance in South Africa and the associated emergence of human rights discourses have been encountered as curtailments of freedom that contribute to ‘moral decay’, particularly by individuals who value collectively oriented and hierarchically ordered conceptualisations of moral order. For example, Jason Hickel (2015) discusses this topic in relation to rural/urban migration. Nicholas Smith (2015) argues that vigilante groups have proliferated in response to the judgement that human rights have brought about immorality (also see Buur 2008; cf. Mayer 1961: 83 –88, who discusses a similar judgement in ‘pre-democratic’ South Africa). Another interesting debate concerns the constitutional validity of the Witchcraft Suppression Act of 1957, which some South Africans see as a limitation upon freedoms to respond to violence brought about by witchcraft (see Ashforth 2005). I will discuss witchcraft later in the book.
- 26.
- 27.
Reed’s (2014: e.g. 83–84) argument about how Xhosa teachers working elsewhere in the Eastern Cape have reacted to the ‘democratic politics’ of the post-apartheid transition, particularly those relating to corporal punishment , is remarkably similar to some of my analysis in this section. I first encountered her work when she kindly shared an unpublished paper via email in June 2014. I was struck by similarities with my research findings and analysis. For instance, in my upgrade proposal of June of 2013, I argued “There was concern from adults who had grown up with corporal punishment as a normalised practice that immoral behaviour amongst the young was proliferating because corporal punishment was now problematized by law.” Hence, while her work provides a fascinating point of comparison, it gave me confidence in my own thinking to a greater extent than it informed it.
- 28.
In 2011, there was “no specific mention of dealing with parental corporal punishment in any policy ” (Bower 2012: 3). Under common law (cited in Owen 2012: 2), parents had the power “to inflict moderate and reasonable chastisement on a child for misconduct provided that this was not done in a manner offensive to good morals or for objects other than correction and admonition”. This power could be “delegated to a person acting in the parent’s place, though not in the case of teachers” (Bower 2012: 3). This common law principle meant that parents “charged with assaulting their children [could] claim in their defence that they were exercising their right to reasonably chastise their children” (ibid.).
- 29.
The most relevant constitutional statement is arguably Section 12 in the Bill of Rights, which states that “everyone has the right to be free from all forms of violence from either public or private sources; not to be treated or punished in a cruel, inhuman or degrading way; and that everyone has the right to bodily and psychological integrity” (STC 2005: 18). Article 19 of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (cited in STC 2005: 16), which South Africa ratified in 1995, states the intention to take “all appropriate legislative, administrative, social and educational measures to protect the child from all forms of physical or mental violence , injury or abuse, neglect or negligent treatment, maltreatment or exploitation including sexual abuse, while in the care of parent(s), legal guardian(s) or any other person who has the care of the child”.
- 30.
R. Morrell (2001: 292) similarly considers “official ambivalence about the continuing use of corporal punishment [in schools]” as evidence that teachers and parents continue to favour the practice in the absence of “effective alternatives”. He also details various policies that have aimed to address the issue.
- 31.
I facilitated a variety of drama performances by first engaging learners in drama activities and games. I was keen that they communicate, through their performances, subjects that were of interest to them. To this end, their plays were improvised, although I occasionally wrote a prompting word on the blackboard, such as “school”, “township”, or “police ”. Many performances highlighted moral and ethical concerns, and all depended on memories of sociality I was not privy to depictions of events learners had witnessed and experienced in social spaces outside of school, before my fieldwork and outside my observational gaze. I filmed some of the pieces and made observational notes on others.
- 32.
Thomas Hill, Jr. (2000: 173–99) offers a considered critique of the claim that Kant was strongly and exclusively concerned with retribution in his work on punishment . I am by no means in a position to offer any insight into this debate. Instead, I use the analysis of Metz and Gaie simply to make a point of comparison between various modes of punishment .
- 33.
In the Eastern Cape, there is a long history of ‘alternative’ systems of justice and punishment , and attempts to maintain moral order using retributive and, perhaps, restorative violence , in the absence of, or in opposition to, State-sanctioned mechanisms (Bank 2011: 231; Kirsch 2010: 145). On a national level, the democratic period has brought more recent examples of ‘community policing’, ‘mob justice’, ‘privatised security’ , and ‘vigilantism’ (Smith 2015; Fourchard 2011; Kirsch 2010; Buur 2003, 2009; Bénit-Gbaffou et al. 2008; Comaroff and Comaroff 2007; Bénit-Gbaffou 2006; Dixon 2004; Johns and Dixon 2001; Nina 2000).
- 34.
A monitored home security alarm was equivalent to eight monthly rental payments for Siseko’s one-roomed home and 20% more than a monthly governmental child grant, a major source of income for many parents.
- 35.
Anthropological literature is replete with accounts of localities where, in the absence of effective or trusted State institutions, assertions of protection, masculinity and honour/respect depend on (violent) responses to incursion and challenge (e.g. Bourgois 1996b, 2002; Herzfeld 1985; Horowitz 1983; Peristiany 1965; Jane Schneider 1971; Schwandner-Sievers 2001; Wacquant 2008; Whyte 1969).
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Pattenden, O. (2018). Living in a City, Town, and Location. In: Taking Care of the Future. Anthropological Studies of Education. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-69826-7_2
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