Abstract
This chapter briefly introduces the book’s themes of inquiry, which emerged from my previous experiences of advertising, humanitarianism, and education, and details the South African ‘special school’ (named Ngomso) and UK charity at its heart. Laying the groundwork for later chapters, I also offer a brief, school-focused history of the Eastern Cape, revisiting some key events of the colonial and apartheid periods. This chapter also theoretically and methodologically orients the reader with an examination of anthropological studies of education, humanitarianism and morality, and radically empirical and phenomenological modes of inquiry.
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Notes
- 1.
Jackson (2012: 15) makes a similar observation about academic pursuits more broadly, especially those that are philosophically and anthropologically minded. For instance, he (ibid.) explains how “profoundly Foucault’s philosophy (logos) implicated a biography (bios)”. This statement is no less accurate in my case.
- 2.
In using the term ‘development’ in this section and throughout, I follow D. Lewis (2005: np): “‘Development’ has … come to be associated with ‘planned social change’ and the idea of an external intervention by one group in the affairs of another. Often this is in the form of a project, as part of conscious efforts by outsiders to intervene in a less-developed community or country in order to produce positive change.”
- 3.
During my time working in government-funded secondary schools in London, the terms ‘students’ and ‘teachers’ were most commonly employed by members of staff and the young people in question. To my knowledge, the term ‘pupil’ is more commonly employed in British private schools . In contrast, ‘learner’, rather than ‘pupil’ or ‘student’, and ‘educator’, rather than ‘teacher’, were most frequently used during my research in South Africa. This reflects efforts to move away from the terminology and injustices of apartheid’s system of schooling. (Thanks to Dr Dalene Swanson , whose correspondence helped me understand this.) However, ‘past pupil’ was most frequently used by my interlocutors when speaking of learners who were no longer at Ngomso. Throughout this book, I employ terminology in relation to schooling in each country that reflects these observations.
- 4.
This organisation was the single biggest contributor by quite some margin. In the financial year ending on June 30, 2012, they raised £62,000, or R1,130,840 (£1 = R18, June 2014). Funding had also come to the school directly from individuals based in South Africa, as well as America, Britain, Holland, and Sweden.
- 5.
In using the phrase ‘relations of power’ , I am utilising Foucault’s consideration of the historically constituted nature of discourse. Importantly, in his work, power is not synonymous with being wronged, evil, or immorality. Instead, Foucault (1997: 298) argued that society cannot exist without relations of power , in the sense of “strategies by which individuals try to direct and control the conduct of others”. It is this kind of strategizing that I mean to describe when using the word ‘power’ here and in later chapters.
- 6.
Swartz (2009: 160) states that her work is an ethnography; however, it is not anthropological. It is a sociological consideration of moral education (see Swartz 2010b) or, as one reviewer describes it, “arguably the most interesting work in moral psychology of the last few years” (Lapsley 2010: 403). Anthropological literature is almost exclusively cited to affirm her research methods, not to extend and develop an analytical argument. This non-comparative, ‘case-only’ limitation relates to the increased adoption of ethnographic approaches and research methods by ‘educationalists’ (Varenne 2007: 1581), which has blurred the line between ethnography of education or, more accurately, schooling and anthropological considerations of education (see Wolcott 2011).
- 7.
Kennedy (2006: 100) argues that the “grand narrative” of evolution is implicit in the work of Kohlberg, who followed Piaget. Their “formulations”, he (ibid.) continues, “exemplify the Socializing Mode. Both cognitive and ethical/intersubjective development are constructed as unidirectional, and assume an endpoint from which the fully formed adult looks back, and toward which he brings children through childrearing and education.”
- 8.
Swartz (2011: 54) describes herself as being “religiously-committed” at the time of her research. Her work has been funded by the Harvey Fellows Program of the Mustard Seed Foundation (2015: np), which funds “Christian graduate students… in preparation for vocations that are culturally influential, and where there is little Christian presence”. Although her study is by no means prescriptive (i.e. it does not call for the teaching of Christianised moral discourses), it is evaluative, in the sense that individuals are placed within a framework of desirable forms and degrees of ‘moral development’.
- 9.
Wang’s (2013) chapter in Stafford’s (2013) volume on Ordinary Ethics in China is one relevant example. It builds upon a body of work concerned with education, morality , and childhood/adolescence in China (e.g. Fong 2004; Kipnis 2011; Stafford 2006; Xu 2014). Another example is Qureshi’s (2014) article, which appeared in a special edition of the journal Moral Education, dedicated to anthropological perspectives on morality and childhood (see Fechter 2014; Zeitlyn 2014, in particular).
- 10.
Similarly, Michael Lambek’s (2010a: 4) notion of “ordinary ethics recognizes human finitude but also hope”. This includes “attempts in everyday practice and thought to inhabit and persevere in light of uncertainty, suffering, injustice, incompleteness, inconsistency, the unsayable, the unforgiveable, the irresolvable, and the limits of voice and reason” (ibid.).
- 11.
Desjarlais (1997) does not explicitly say that his book is an example of an anthropology of morality /ethics, and it preceded the most concrete efforts to define the field. However, he (2014) recently contributed to a special edition of the journal Ethnos that was dedicated to considerations of moral experience and co-edited by Zigon , which, to some extent, shows the compatibility of their theoretical approaches.
- 12.
Embodied morality can be described, following Mauss, as habitus or “unreflective and unreflexive dispositions of everyday social life attained over a lifetime … [of] socially performed techniques” (Zigon 2010: 8). Zigon (2008: 18) states that he maintains “a position of radical relativism … [when adopting the stance that] each person to some degree has their own morality based upon their own experiences”. Thus, discursive morality “should not be considered as being representative or deterministic of any actually lived embodied morality ” (ibid.). However, according to Zigon (2007: 17, my emphasis), it is because “experiences are limited within a range of possibilities structured by a socio-historic-cultural context that makes these various and differing moralities recognizable and translatable to others”.
- 13.
Zigon (2010: 6) defines institutions as “those formal and non-formal social organizations and groups that are a part of all societies and wield varying amounts of power over individual persons”. Such institutions “often claim to be the bearer and securer of the truth or rightness of a particular kind of morality ” and, as a result, “all societies… have a plurality of institutional moralities” (ibid: 6–7). The public discourse of morality , which is “separate and distinct” from but “in constant dialogue with” institutional morality , “is all those public articulations of moral beliefs, conceptions, and hopes that are not directly articulated by an institution” (ibid: 7, emphasis in original). One such discourse is “parental teachings” (ibid.).
- 14.
Most famously, Paul Willis (1977: 189) showed how “disaffected working class kids” in 1970s Britain created, and maintained, identities, values, and behaviours when in school, which meant a great deal to them but that staff did not welcome or promote (also see Foley 1990). For more examples of studies that analyse tensions between forms of knowledge taught inside and outside of schools, see Wolcott (2003), Rival (2000), and Howard (1970).
- 15.
- 16.
In certain respects , Malinowski’s observations foreshadow the work of scholars concerned with ‘neocolonialism’ or ‘postcolonialism’, and ‘cultural imperialism’. Extending the work of Franz Fanon (1967, 1969) and Paulo Freire (1970), among others, these authors are critical of how processes of schooling in South Africa, and across the continent, support ‘Western’ or ‘European’ demands and propagate racialised, culturally configured geographical inequalities (e.g. Abdi 2002; Mazuri 1993). They wish to address the way that ‘indigenous cultures’ were ‘decimated’ during the colonial era; processes of ‘cultural imperialism’ that, they argue, are maintained through systems of ‘postcolonialism’ and ‘globalised capitalism’ (Abdi and Cleghorn 2005; Shizha 2005; also see, Rizvi 2001). This corpus raises important questions about the role of schooling on the African continent. However, we rarely learn how ‘ordinary Africans’ encounter education during their everyday lives. An exception is Dalene Swanson (2013), who conducts empirical research in South Africa and uses personalised narratives to enrich her critical, reflective considerations of the political dimensions of education in the country.
- 17.
Malinowski (1938) laid down his core argument in an introductory chapter to Methods and Study of Culture Contact in Africa. Radcliffe-Brown (1952: 202) offered an early critique of his work, specifically referencing South Africa, which suggests that Malinowski’s notion of ‘culture clash’ was “simply a way of avoiding the reality” of “the interaction of individuals and groups within an established social structure which is itself in process of change”. For Radcliffe -Brown, the notion of conflict between two forms of culture was simply too simplistic and static, and thus incapable of capturing the reality of the social dynamics unfolding in South Africa during the apartheid period.
- 18.
Paul Harris (cited in Christou 2002: np), whose PhD is in experiential psychology , argues that the “gift for fantasy … shows itself at a very early age and then continues to make all sorts of contributions to our intellectual and emotional life throughout the lifespan”. Moreover, he (2012) argues that, as far as we know, this capacity is unique to our species.
- 19.
Anthropologists have long been keen to recognise other forms of education, particularly where there are, or were, no institutions recognisable as schools (Varenne 2007). For example, Raymond Firth (2011 [1936]: 148) considered education “to include all social processes which serve to fit the human individual more adequately for his social environment”, and argued that education is an integral component of daily life and inseparable from experiences outside of schools. However, what emerged in the US from the 1950s onwards (cf. Bonini 2006: 380, for French anthropology) and is most often termed anthropology of education has not only most commonly been concerned with process of schooling but with those activities that unfold inside schools (Pollock and Levinson 2011; Varenne 2007, 2008).
- 20.
Stambach’s (2010) other book, Faith in Schools, and Freeman’s (2001) PhD thesis are two other examples that I am aware of. I would also refer the reader to Amber Reed’s (2014) PhD thesis, and the third chapter in particular, which productively utilises ethnographic research conducted inside and outside schools in the Eastern Cape.
- 21.
Such ‘male bias’ is evident in many of the ethnographies I found helpful when building my own analytical framework—for example, Bourgois (1996), Hecht (1998), Weiss (2009), Willis (1977). While I recognise criticism of anthropology’s long-standing masculine focus (e.g. Morgen 1989; Slocum 1975), and do not wish to entrench this gendered inequality, my research was subject to unavoidably gendered conditions. On a more promising note, Stambach (2000) considers gender in terms of female initiation and schooling in Tanzania while I am able to offer a comparative account of male initiation and schooling in South Africa.
- 22.
I employ the term ‘township’ throughout to denote the area to the east of Grahamstown’s commercial centre, which was first ‘reserved’ for ‘blacks’ during colonial British rule and remained so during apartheid. More detailed information regarding geographically defined, racial segregation in Grahamstown and South Africa is provided in later chapters.
- 23.
The ‘eleven official languages policy’ is a huge topic of debate in South Africa (see Bostock 2002). Moreover, as with Kiswahili and English in Tanzanian schools (Stambach 2004), the language of instruction has been a prominent issue in the politics of South African education. During my time at Ngomso, English was ‘officially’ the language of tuition after grade three, yet instruction was most commonly a ‘mix’ of English and isiXhosa (cf. Freeman (Madagascar) 2001: 237–239).
- 24.
There are various reasons for this. Firstly, while speaking isiXhosa might well have led to a certain openness of exchange and increased my understanding (Winchatz 2006), it was not, strictly speaking, essential. All members of staff spoke English while past pupils and learners were proficient to varying degrees. Secondly, my research did not follow the regular format of doctoral programmes in the US and the UK, which often specify language training before fieldwork. Thirdly, some learners said they liked to speak in English with me because it improved their vocabulary and pronunciation. I also read books with them and aided their efforts to write in English (also see Fong 2004: 4–9). Without such dynamics, I might well have been encouraged to speak isiXhosa more regularly.
- 25.
At one stage, I contemplated working with a translator to interview some learners who did not speak English fluently despite the limitations of this approach (Leslie and Storey 2003). However, I decided to interview those who could speak English ‘well enough’, making it easier to conduct interviews during breaks in the school day. More importantly, an interpreter would most likely have been a member of staff, past pupil or older learner, and all the learners said they preferred to speak with me privately.
- 26.
In the case of Cheney’s (2007: 190) ethnography, the staff working for World Vision in Uganda were all Ugandan nationals. However, I have made the assumption that the oversight and planning of their programs was, to some extent, maintained and instigated by the main office of World Vision in the US.
- 27.
Ethnographic research is often shaped “under the shadow of researcher neutrality, objectivity and bias, where emotions are considered to be distortion and noise in the research process rather than part of its potentiality” (Pullen cited in Warden 2013: 165). This mode aligns with Weber’s instruction that we separate impartial scientific thinking from moralised and emotive perceptions, inquiries, and everyday engagements (Geertz 1968). Contrastingly, more in line with my methodological orientation, others argue that socially constituted research processes are laden with emotive dimensions, which, if embraced and analysed, can enhance the research itself (e.g. Blackman 2007; Davies and Spencer 2010; Garifzyanova 2013; Kleinman and Copp 1993; Kleinman 1991; Punch 2012; Spencer 2010).
- 28.
During the Peace of Amiens in 1802, the newly formed British Cape Colony was briefly given back to the Dutch. More accurately, what had been the Dutch Cape Colony prior to British rule now became the Batavian Cape Colony, on account of the fact that, in Europe, the Batavian Republic had succeeded the Republic of The Seven United Netherlands, following the intervention of French forces. However, the imperative to secure it again soon arose with the Napoleonic Wars several years later. The Battle of Blaauwberg, fought on January 8, 1806, re-established British rule.
- 29.
As well as the Xhosa , Cuyler was also to “watch over and conciliate the conduct of the Boers and Hottentots” (Mostert 1992: 343). This directive recognises the groups that had been interacting in the eastern fringe of the Cape Colony long before the British arrived. ‘Hottentot’ is a problematic term, and ‘Khoisan’—referring to San and Khoi, who were hunter-gatherers and pastoralists, respectively—is now used more regularly to refer to the ‘non-bantu’ speaking people of South Africa who were established here at the time (Mostert 1992: 32). The San had been in the locality for approximately 10,000 years and the Khoi for 2000 (O’Meara 1995: 12). During apartheid, their descendants were politically and racially classified as ‘Coloured’. The Boers were the vertrekkers who descended from the Dutch settlers and moved inland and along the coast from what is now Cape Town, where successive European governments had greater political influence. While both the Boers and the Khoisan should not be seen as isolated from the events I discuss, they are under-represented here for the purposes of analytical simplicity and because the vast majority of learners at Ngomso identified with a Xhosa heritage.
- 30.
The Xhosa shared a language, isiXhosa, and descend from those who had moved down to Southern Africa following the expansion of the ‘Bantu-speakers’ out of West and Central Africa. By 800 AD, they had migrated west from what is now the KwaZulu-Natal province, towards the location of my research site (O’Meara 1995: 12). Importantly, the Xhosa cannot be seen as existing in a homogenised and static society, isolated in time as well as place, before prolonged contact with Europeans occurred. According to Jeff Peires (1982: 19), “the Xhosa nation is heterogeneous in origin, rather than a genetically defined ‘tribe’ clearly distinct from its neighbours”. Tisani (2000) has shown that certain themes and myths have been established and refuted as history and historiography of the Xhosa has developed.
- 31.
The Zuurveld was later renamed ‘Albany’ after the capital of the State of New York, where Cuyler was born.
- 32.
During the first half of the nineteenth century, ‘Xhosaland’ “remained an identifiably distinct nation, socially, economically and politically distant from the Cape Colony” (Peires 1989: 53). Xhosa chiefs initially welcomed missionaries on to their land and viewed missionaries as separate from colonialist forces (Mostert 1992: 425). The first permanent mission station among the Xhosa , and all the ‘Bantu’ speakers of Southern Africa, was established in 1816 (Mostert 1992: 436). However, the presence of such mission stations among the Xhosa became problematical, particularly during times of war .
- 33.
For instance, the Natives Land Act of 1913 “defined less than one-tenth of South Africa as black ‘reserves’ [a forerunner to the ‘homelands’ of apartheid] and prohibited any purchase or lease of land by blacks outside the reserves” (Cobbing 2015: np). Together with the Native (Urban Areas) Act of 1923 and the Black (Native) Administration Act of 1927, it also formalised the foundations of the racially segregated townships of apartheid. Additionally, The Mines and Works Act of 1911 and its 1926 successor (also known as the Colour Bar Act), prohibited ‘blacks’ from taking the better paid, more skilled positions of employment.
- 34.
To some of his contemporaries, Eiselen’s plans were ill-conceived because cultural separation was impossible. Many anthropologists at English-speaking universities did not share the same ideas (Sharp 1980). For example, Alfred Radcliffe -Brown of the University of Cape Town argued that attempts to distinguish between ‘tribes’ and groups with distinct, separate cultures should be discouraged (Kuper 1999). Max Gluckman (1958 [1940]) made a similar argument when analysing Modern Zululand. For fuller considerations of the political nature of South African anthropology, see Niehaus (2013), Nyamnjoh (2012), and Spiegel and Becker (2015).
- 35.
From this point forward, I use ‘Black’ and ‘White’ in capitalised form in reference to the legal classification structures of the apartheid government. Where these words appear in direct quotations from interlocutors who used them without specific reference to the legal classifications of apartheid, or from academic sources that use them unproblematically in this same way, I have not capitalised the words or placed them in scare quotes. I myself do not use the words ‘white’ or ‘black’ without capitalisation or scare quotes anywhere in this book because I feel that this terminology is problematic, ambiguous, and loaded with political implications.
- 36.
The Indian portion of the city was only established in the 1980s, as apartheid was drawing to a close. Previously, this relatively small population had lived on their business premises in the White Areas. The dividing line between the Group Areas of apartheid corresponds to the Kowie Ditch, a geographical divide following the shape of the Kowie River. This ditch is called egazini—‘the place of blood’—by those who acknowledge the moment when many Xhosa died in its waters at the hands of British forces during the pivotal Battle of Grahamstown in 1819 (Peires 1982: 143).
- 37.
Mayer (1961: 23) tells us that his respondents most frequently saw Red/School distinctions as absolute while he depicts “actual behaviour” as sitting somewhere along “a continuum”. Despite this caveat, it is, of course, problematic to speak of ‘Red or School people’, or any generalised group identity for that matter. Indeed, Mayer was accused of helping to validate “ideological”, “racist terms” by theorising binaries that did not do justice to the individuals in question (Magubane 1973: 1709). Similarly highlighting the perils of oversimplification, Bank (2011) critiqued Mayer’s analytical neglect of internationally constituted cultural changes, suggesting that some young people sought to move away from the politics and entertainment associated with their Xhosa heritage while also rejecting the conservatism associated with the ‘White Europeans’ of Mayer’s typology.
- 38.
In Mayer’s (1980: 2) later work, he considered the School/Red divide in terms of “ideologies [that] represented comprehensive patterns of belief, laying down precepts for most aspects of life”. Patrick McAllister (2006: 56) revisited this work and suggested that ‘School’ and ‘Red’ signify “subjective orientations”.
- 39.
To be clear, he does not depict the personalised navigations as they unfolded, in any great detail; perhaps owing to the academic convention of his time and his questionnaire heavy research methodology.
- 40.
Although he was criticised for paying insufficient attention to how apartheid politics (e.g. Magubane 1973), Mayer (with I. Mayer 1961: 283) did speak of “a limiting framework of compulsion”, that is, how the apartheid government limited choice and freedoms. His (1980) later work provided more of this kind of contextualisation, targeting separatist and capitalist ideologies, and related policies of forced removal and resettlement, migrant labour stipulations, and urban planning (Bank 2011: 35–36; Spiegel and McAllister 1991: 2).
- 41.
The first school boycotts occurred in the Eastern Cape in 1955, before being abandoned in 1956 (for the time being). Additionally, the ANC initiated schools under the pseudonym ‘cultural clubs’ as an alternative to Bantu Education. These relied heavily on oral storytelling, songs and games, as well as subjects such as maths and geography (Soudien and Nekhwevha 2002). These were short-lived, however, as the government tightened their power over education and sought to close them down.
- 42.
Critical pedagogy, as outlined by authors such as Paulo Freire (1970), was influential (Nekhwevha 2002). The related philosophy of People’s Education established “a new language of resistance and democracy … [and were] a necessary condition for the political transition of the 1990s” (Kallaway 2002: 7).
- 43.
Young protestors, demonstrating against Bantu Education and attempts to mandate the teaching of Afrikaans in Black schools, fatally clashed with police forces. Subsequently, schools closed and burned down while teachers and students were arrested throughout the country (Pohlandt-McCormick 2000; Glaser 1998).
- 44.
The Soweto protest and subsequent class boycotts “took place largely outside the control of the ANC”, which countered students’ slogans with “‘education for liberation’” (Prew 2011: 135).
- 45.
More broadly, reaction to apartheid politics was not racially determined. Indeed, the End Conscription Campaign (ECC) was necessarily White dominated because the conscripts were White, even if its primary interest was combatting political repression in the townships. In Grahamstown in particular, the White population were mostly of British heritage and less inclined to sympathise with Afrikaner Nationalism compared with Whites in other areas of the country (cf. Dube 1985).
- 46.
In the universities of the Eastern Cape, organisations such as the National Union of South African Students (NUSAS) and South African Students Organisation (SASO), along with other ‘oppositional collectives’, such as the Black Sash and United Democratic Front, similarly did much to counter the oppressive potentiality of Bantu Education.
- 47.
This charitable trust is no longer associated with the school where I conducted my research nor with the UK-based charity that supports it.
- 48.
The quote in this sentence is from Mary Burton, taken from a website created for the school by a volunteer , which is no longer online. This account of how the school was formed aligns with the one that was relayed to me during fieldwork.
- 49.
In total, “South Africa was pledged approximately $5 billion in foreign development-related aid from 1994-1999, an enormous sum compared to other (more desperate) African countries” (Bond 2001: 25) However, the sum of committed money during this period was much smaller, with the EU, for example, committing only 13% of a pledged $1.75 billion (ibid.). The newly formed and provincially organised South African state was not well positioned to distribute and employ aid money, which goes someway to explaining the shortfall (ibid.).
- 50.
These quotes are taken from the aforementioned web page written about Ngomso that is no longer online.
- 51.
Bantu Education was delivered by separate departments responsible for specific racial categories. Responsibility then shifted to nine departments, representing each province, which could act semi-autonomously under the guidance of National Acts and policies, and a national department. Ruiters (2011: 19) asserts that the Eastern Cape Province itself was formed during “a contested process” that “reflects the outcome of the negotiations around the political settlement of 1993-4”.
- 52.
The citations in this sentence are from the ECDoE’s registration certificate.
- 53.
There is a body of literature that attempts to identify the failings of ‘educational inclusivity’ in South Africa. As the researchers are concerned with recommendations for intervention and change, the methodological orientation of this work is very different from my own. However, I would refer the reader to these relevant studies: Bothma et al. (2000), Christie (1999), Engelbrecht (2006), Jager (2013), Landsberg (2005), Lomofsky and Lazarus (2001), Makoelle (2012), Mitchell et al. (2007), Muthukrishna and Schoeman (2000), Muthukrishna and Ramsuran (2007), Naicker (2006), Ngcobo and Muthukrishna (2011), Ntombela (2011), Pather (2007, 2011), Pillay and Di Terlizzi (2009), Polat (2011), Prinsloo (2001), Stofile (2008), and Waghid and Engelbrecht (2002).
- 54.
- 55.
The series ran in The Herald newspaper, based in Port Elizabeth , and details can be found at http://www.blogs.theherald.co.za/schoolsofshame/ (Last accessed on December 01, 2015).
- 56.
On average, in the Eastern Cape, over 65% of learners in public schools are ‘age-inappropriate’ for their grade and this number increases with each grade. Approximately 80% are age-appropriate in grade one; however, by grade eleven, at the start of matriculation, this falls to approximately 25%. Lewin and Sebates (2012: 517) state that “Over age enrolment is important since it is widely linked to low levels of achievement, premature drop out, and gendered differences in participation.”
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Pattenden, O. (2018). Having a Future. In: Taking Care of the Future. Anthropological Studies of Education. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-69826-7_1
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