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The Norman Yoke—Canon Law

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John Adams and the Constitutional History of the Medieval British Empire

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Abstract

If John Adams feared the revival of the feudal law in British North America as one bow of the Norman Yoke, he feared the canon law, the other bow, even more. From Adams’s his perspective, as feudalism destroyed the political structure of Anglo-Saxon society, reducing the people to serfdom, establishing an Anglican diocese in America would spell the end of true Protestantism in America as William the Conqueror imposed Roman reform on the Saxon Church, ending the distinctive Saxon tradition of Christianity.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    John Adams to Dr. J. Morse, December 2, 1815, Works, 10: 185–188 at 185. The letter was first published in in Jedidiah Morse, Annals of the American Revolution (Hartford: n.p., 1824), 197.

  2. 2.

    On the history of canon law: see James A. Brundage, Medieval Canon Law (London: Longman, 1995); also The History of Medieval Canon Law in the Classical Period, 1140–1234: From Gratian to the Decretals of Pope Gregory IX, eds. Wilfried Hartmann and Kenneth Pennington (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America, 2008).

  3. 3.

    For medieval criticism of canon law and canon lawyers: see John W. Baldwin, “Critics of the Legal Profession: Peter the Chanter and His Circle,” in the Proceedings of the Second International Congress of Medieval Canon Law, eds. Stephan Kuttner and J. Joseph Ryan (Vatican City: S. Congretatio de Seminariis et Studiorum Universalibus, 1965): 249–259; also Amelia J. Uelmen, “A View of the Legal Profession from a Mid-twelfth-Century Monastery,” Fordham Law Review 71 (2003): 1517–1541. For Luther’s response to canon law, which included the public burning of a volume of canon law, see Brundage, 182.

  4. 4.

    David C. Douglas, William the Conqueror: The Norman Impact Upon England (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1964), 187–188; see also Richard Huscroft, The Norman Conquest: A New Introduction (Harlow: Pearson/Longman, 2009), 121.

  5. 5.

    The papacy had a long history of involvement with English monarchs stretching back to the mission sent by Pope Gregory I in 596. A modern scholar has suggested that even the Church reformers such as Gregory VII allowed William and his immediate successors a great deal of room to intervene in ecclesiastical matters, even to the extent that “William the Conqueror, his sons, and perhaps grandson, Henry II, dominated what could be called a national church.” See Uta-Renate Blumenthal, The Investiture Controversy: Church and Monarchy from the Ninth to the Twelfth Century (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1988), 153; see also Kathleen G. Cushing, Reform and the Papacy in the Eleventh Century: Spirituality and Social Change (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2005), 77.

  6. 6.

    On Lanfranc: see Margaret Gibson, Lanfranc of Bec (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1978); H.E.J. Cowdrey, Lanfranc: Scholar, Monk, and Archbishop (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003).

  7. 7.

    On Gregory VII and England: see H.E.J. Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, 1073–1085 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), 60, 459–480.

  8. 8.

    Adams, Papers, 1: 112–113.

  9. 9.

    On removal of Saxon bishops, see Gibson, 113–115.

  10. 10.

    On the imposition of the Gregorian reform in England: see Gibson, 133–139; Brian Golding, Conquest and Colonialism: The Normans in Britain, 1066–1100, 2nd ed. (Houndsmills: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013), 139–140.

  11. 11.

    The question of whether or not canon law operated in England before 1066 was the subject of a famous scholarly debate between two leading English historians in the nineteenth century, Frederic Maitland and Bishop William Stubbs: see Richard H. Helmholz, Roman Canon Law in Reformation England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 4–20.

  12. 12.

    Adams to Dr. J. Morse, Works, 10: 185.

  13. 13.

    The fundamental book on the question of an Anglican hierarchy in British North America is Arthur Lyon Cross, The Anglican Episcopate and the American Colonies (New York: Longmans, Green, 1902; reprinted, Hamden, CN: Archon Books, 1964). For the background of Adams’s Dissertation, see pp. 139–160. See also, Carl Bridenbaugh, Mitre and Sceptre: Transatlantic Faiths, Ideas, Personalities, and Politics 1689–1775 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1962), pp. 230–259. See also, John Frederick Woolverton, Colonial Anglicanism in North America (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1984), pp. 222–225.

  14. 14.

    Cross, 225.

  15. 15.

    “Parliament, if it did not usurp royal prerogative, certainly took over day-to-day control of the church, a control which had once been the domain of the king.” Woolverton, 17.

  16. 16.

    Adams, Papers, 1: 127–128.

  17. 17.

    Alan Heimert has suggested that the fact “the legend [of Mayhew’s importance] persists despite this record is probably testimony to the effectiveness of John Adams’ reminiscences,” where he labeled Mayhew the “fifth most important spokesman” for what Adams termed “American principles.” Alan Heimart, Religion and the American Mind: From the Great Awakening to the Revolution (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1966), 290–291. See also Cross, 146–158; Bridenbaugh, 224–229; Woolverton, pp. 223–225. For a recent re-evaluation of Mayhew’s views: see Howard Lubert, “Jonathan Mayhew: Conservative Revolutionary,” History of Political Thought 32 (2011): 589–616.

  18. 18.

    Adams, Papers, 1: 113.

  19. 19.

    Ibid., 1: 115–116.

  20. 20.

    For a basic introduction to the Protestant historical writing: see Ernst Breisach, Historiography: Ancient, Medieval, and Modern, 3rd ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007), 150–160. There is an interesting selection of excerpts from a variety of Protestant historians including John Foxe in Visions of History from Antiquity to the Enlightenment, ed. Donald R. Kelley (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1991), 321–346.

  21. 21.

    On the humanists’ conception of history: see Breisach, 160–170; Kelley, 218–310.

  22. 22.

    John Foxe, The Acts and Monuments, 8 vols., ed. Stephen Reed Cattley (London: Seeley and Burnside, 1837–1841). For the publication history of Foxe’s book, a work that grew in size and scope as it passed through several editions, see William Haller, The Elect Nation: The Meaning and Relevance of Foxe’s Book of Martyrs (New York: Harper and Row, 1963), 9.

    Haller’s book on Foxe and his earlier The Rise of Puritanism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1938) are fundamental to understanding the historical outlook of the Puritans, both at home and abroad in the colonies.

  23. 23.

    Stephan E. Lahey, John Wyclif (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009), 223. The term came from the Protestant scholar, John Bale. On the development of Wyclif’s reputation: see James Crompton, “John Wyclif: A Study in Mythology”, Leicestershire Archeological and Historical Society 42 (1966–1967): 6–34, esp. 10–11.

  24. 24.

    Concerning the existence of copies of Foxe’s work in the colonies, especially in New England: see Thomas G. Wright, Literary Culture in Early New England, 1620–1730 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1920; reprinted, New York: Russell & Russell, 1966), 36, 38, 58, 128; L.B. Wright, The Cultural Life of the American Colonies: 1607–1763 (New York: Harper, 1957), 133.

  25. 25.

    Wright, Cultural Life, p. 161. For the importance of Foxe as a source of both historical facts and the philosophy of history for Puritan historians in America: see Peter Gay, A Loss of Mastery: Puritan Historians in Colonial America (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966), 16.

  26. 26.

    Gay, Loss, 97–98.

  27. 27.

    Moses Coit Tyler, The Literary History of the American Revolution, 1763–1783, 2 vols. (reprinted, New York: Frederick Ungar, 1957), II: 398.

  28. 28.

    Adams, Papers, 1: 116.

  29. 29.

    Ibid., 1: 116.

  30. 30.

    Ibid., 1: 116.

  31. 31.

    Ibid., 1: 117. Adams either did not know of the role of religious ceremonies in the ancient city states or he chose to overlook it: see Ramsay MacMullen, Paganism in the Roman Empire (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1981).

  32. 32.

    Adams, Papers, 1: 118.

  33. 33.

    Ibid., 1: 120.

  34. 34.

    Ibid., 1: 126.

  35. 35.

    Cross, 144–147; Woolverton, 220–225.

  36. 36.

    Adams, Letter to J. Morse, Works, 10: 187; see also Bridenbaugh, 211–212.

  37. 37.

    Adams, Letter to J. Morse, Works, 10: 188. For the terms of the Act: see “The Quebec Act,” Commager, Documents, 74–76.

  38. 38.

    On the Puritan attacks on Laud: see the fundamental life of Laud: Hugh Trevor-Roper, Archbishop Laud 1573–1645, 2nd ed. (London: Macmillan, 1962), 307.

  39. 39.

    James II had become a Catholic secretly before ascending the throne and his second wife was a Catholic French princess. The last Stuart was a cardinal of the Roman Church, Henry Benedict Stuart (1725–1807). On the later Stuarts and Catholicism: see Geoffrey Scott, “The court as a centre of Catholicism,” in Edward Corp, A Court in Exile: The Stuarts in France, 1689–1718 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004): 234–256.

  40. 40.

    Adams, “To the Printers of the Boston Patriot” [1809], Works, 9: 241–312 at 276.

  41. 41.

    Adams, Letter to Joshua Thomas, et al., Works, 9: 587. A reader of Hume would have known a good deal about Laud including the story that he had twice been offered a cardinal’s hat by the pope: Hume, v. 4: 452.

  42. 42.

    On the popularity of Becket in the Middle Ages: see Jonathan Sumption, Pilgrimage: An Image of Mediaeval Religion (London: Faber & Faber, 1975), 150–151; Frank Barlow, Thomas Becket (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986), 265–275.

  43. 43.

    Haller, 155.

  44. 44.

    See Rapin-Thoyras, 3: 20–48; Hume, 1: 320–355.

  45. 45.

    See Thomas M. Jones, “Henry II in Drama: Changing Historical Outlooks,” Comparative Drama 12 (Winter, 1978–1979): 309–325.

  46. 46.

    George Lord Lyttelton, The History of the life of King Henry the Second, 2nd ed., 4 vols. (London: W. Sandby and J. Dodsley, 1767–1771). Joseph Berington, The History of the Reign of Henry the Second, and of Richard and John, His Sons (London: G. G. J. & J. Robinson, R. Faulder, 1790). For a brief introduction to eighteenth-century views of Becket: see The Becket Controversy, ed. Thomas M. Jones (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1970), 59–69 and 149–152.

  47. 47.

    Adams, “Novanglus,” Papers, 2: 355.

  48. 48.

    Ibid., 2: 196–197.

  49. 49.

    Ibid.

  50. 50.

    Ibid.

  51. 51.

    On this issue: see Charles Duggan, “The Becket Dispute and the Criminous Clerks,” Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research 35 (1962): 1–28.

  52. 52.

    Foxe, 2: 206.

  53. 53.

    Ibid., 2: 206–207.

  54. 54.

    Ibid., 2: 244.

  55. 55.

    On the practice of crowning the royal heir during his father’s lifetime: see W.L. Warren, Henry II (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1977), 110–111. This was the first and the last time it was ever done in England, although it had long been done in France and continued to be done into the thirteenth century. The younger Henry in any even did not succeed his father, dying in 1183.

  56. 56.

    Foxe, 2: 245.

  57. 57.

    Ibid., 2: 249.

  58. 58.

    Ibid., 2: 250.

  59. 59.

    Ibid., 2: 264–271. This theme reflected the notion of the “saving remnant,” the biblical notion that throughout history, regardless of the persecution of Christians, there would always be a few true believers keeping the faith alive until it would overcome all of its enemies: see James R. Mathis, The Making of Primitive Baptists (New York: Routledge, 2004), 106–109.

  60. 60.

    Paul de Rapin-Thoyras, The History of England: As Well Ecclesiastical as Civil, trans. N. Tindal (London: James and John Knapton, 1731), 3: 21–22.

  61. 61.

    Ibid., 3: 24.

  62. 62.

    Ibid., 3: 28.

  63. 63.

    Ibid., 3: 41.

  64. 64.

    Ibid., 3: 47.

  65. 65.

    Hume, History, 1: 315.

  66. 66.

    Ibid., 1: 320.

  67. 67.

    Ibid., 1: 321.

  68. 68.

    Ibid., 1: 323.

  69. 69.

    Ibid., 1: 324. The nature of Becket’s conversion experience has been the subject of much discussion among medievalists in recent years: see, for example, David Knowles, Thomas Becket (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1971), 53–55; Beryl Smalley, The Becket Conflict and the Schools (Totowa, NJ: Rowman and Littlefield, 1973), 115–117.

  70. 70.

    Hume, History, 1: 325.

  71. 71.

    Ibid., 1: 326–327.

  72. 72.

    Ibid., 1: 348.

  73. 73.

    Ibid., 1: 349.

  74. 74.

    Ibid., 1: 350.

  75. 75.

    Ibid., 1: 353.

  76. 76.

    On Langton’s important role in the creation of Magna Carta: see F.M. Powicke, Stephen Langton (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1928), 112–114. Powicke’s position was strongly criticized by H.G. Richardson and G.O. Sayles, The Governance of Mediaeval England from the Conquest to Magna Carta (Edinburgh: University Press, 1963), vi, 363. See also, John Hudson, “Magna and the ius commune, and English Common Law,” in Magna Carta and the England of King John, ed. Janet S. Loengard (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2010), 99–119.

  77. 77.

    Henry VIII, “An Act concerning the King’s Highness to be Supreme Head of the Church of England” 1534, in The Tudor Constitution, G.R. Elton, ed., 2d ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), 364–365.

  78. 78.

    Hume, History, 4: 452. Hume repeated the story that Laud had been offered a cardinal’s hat if he would adhere to Rome.

  79. 79.

    Adams, Letter to Catherine Macaulay, August 9, 1770, Works, 9: 331–333 at 332.

  80. 80.

    Adams, Papers, 1: 104.

  81. 81.

    Adams, letter to F.A. Vanderkemp, February 5, 1805, Works, 9: 589–590 at 589.

  82. 82.

    Ibid., Letter to J. Morse, December 2, 1805, Works, 10: 185.

  83. 83.

    Ibid., 10: 185.

  84. 84.

    Ibid., 10: 188.

  85. 85.

    Bridenbaugh, 194–202, 236, 238.

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Muldoon, J. (2018). The Norman Yoke—Canon Law. In: John Adams and the Constitutional History of the Medieval British Empire. Studies in Modern History. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-66477-4_3

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