Abstract
This methodology assembles compatible tools from ethnomethodological Conversation Analysis, poststructural discourse analysis, and analytic ethnography. A focus on participants’ contextualisation cues in face-to-face conversation, written text, embodied ritual practices, and mass media communication enables an analysis of how certain practices instantiate what participants consider macro-societal phenomena. Conversation Analysis dissects the ephemeral details of social and institutional interaction and shows how participants’ referencing, pointing, orientation, and attributing generate territories of knowledge. Discourse analysis unravels polyphonic and hierarchical mappings of societal subject positions in single utterances in written texts. Theory-oriented, multi-sited ethnography allows the researcher to experience and compare longer sequences of institutional work and ritual practices, and to follow mass media communication in order to distinguish cases of goal-oriented practice in their social, material, and cultural contexts.
Notes
- 1.
Drawing on van Dijk’s notion of ‘subject participant’s construct,’ according to which the context of the situation is not a given but cognitively constructed by subjects, does not mean we need to adopt his mental model approach. Instead, we can reformulate this notion in less cognitivist terms as done in work on mundane epistemics in discursive psychology (Potter and Hepburn 2008).
- 2.
“By ‘recipient design’ we refer to a multitude of respects in which the talk by a party in a conversation is constructed or designed in ways which display an orientation and sensitivity to the particular other(s) who are the co-participants” (Sacks et al. 1974: 727).
- 3.
‘Turn taking’ concerns the allocation of rights and obligations of participants to participate in interaction. ‘Turn construction units’ (TCUs) can stretch over sentences, clauses, phrases, or lexical elements and constitute the building blocks of a turn of social action (one turn can therefore contain several TCUs). These in turn are used to constitute larger activities. TCUs give participants an idea when a turn is possibly meant to end. Possible, but not necessary, completion points of a turn are called ‘transition relevance places’ (TRPs), that is, a legitimate change of who is speaking could occur or the same speaker could continue with a new TCU. As a rule of thumb, they can be identified by asking whether a moment in an interaction could, first, potentially constitute a grammatically complete sentence, second, is a recognisable action, and third, comes to intonational completion (Sacks et al. 1974: 704; Schegloff 2007).
- 4.
Although only relatively little of the duration of talk consists in gaps between talk and overlaps of speakers talking at the same time, overlaps of two (rarely more) participants are common. They are usually unproblematic and signal understanding or agreement, for example, continuers, agreeing assessments, or collaborative completion. In competitive cases, so-called ‘overlap-management/resolution’ devices end the overlap. If foreseen, the speaker might preemptively increase the volume of speech (Schegloff 2000).
- 5.
Dausendschön-Gay and Krafft (2009: 249) explain that “[g]enerally speaking, there are two outcomes of projection that are highly relevant to the organization of interaction: Projection orients interlocutors’ structural interpretation of small and of large portions of talk, and in doing so it is a method for announcing completion and for avoiding gaps and overlaps in turn taking; but it is also a method for restricting the range of possible next actions, for current and for next speakers.”
- 6.
In semiotics based on Pierce, the term ‘icon’ refers to a resemblance between a sign and an object it represents. In contrast, the link between a sign and an object in the case of a ‘symbol’ is arbitrary. An ‘index’ refers to an object by means of association that is based on causal relations (for example, a fire is indexed by smoke). According to Silverstein (2003), an ‘index,’ such as styles of speaking (cf. Irvine and Gal 2000; Irvine 2001), can transport ideology, which turns it into a second-order index.
- 7.
Contextualisation cues are defined as “any linguistic sign which, when processed in co-occurrence with symbolic grammatical and lexical signs, serves as an indexical sign to construct the contextual presuppositions that underlie situated interpretation and thereby affects how constituent messages are understood. Code switching is one type of contextualization cue; others include phonetic enunciation, along with prosody (i.e. intonation and stress), rhythm, tempo and other such supra-segmental signs” (Gumperz and Cook-Gumperz 2009: 24; see also Gumperz 1982: 131, 1992). In a narrow definition of metapragmatic contextualisation cues, Gumperz and Cook-Gumperz distinguish them from other indexical signs like ‘here’ or ‘there’ that are not necessarily oral. Further, “[t]hey are pure indexicals in that they have no propositional content. That is, in contrast to other indexicals like pronouns or discourse markers, they signal only relationally and cannot be assigned context-free lexical meanings” (Gumperz in Prevignano and di Luzio 2003: 8).
- 8.
For the use of ‘institution’ in CA and the present study, see footnote 19.
- 9.
Presuppositions have also been dealt with in CA, for example, concerning question design in news interviews (Heritage and Clayman 2010: 231 f.). On implicatures, semantic and pragmatic presuppositions, implications, and logical entailments see Moeschler (2012) and Verschueren (2003: 33 f.). Levinson (1983: 179–185) provides a list of linguistic items that can trigger presuppositions: definite descriptions, factive verbs, implicative verbs, change of state verbs, iteratives, verbs of judging, temporal clauses, cleft sentences, implicit clefts with stressed constituents, comparisons, contrasts, and questions.
- 10.
A variety of markers of textual cohesion indicate discourse deixis, for example conjunctions (for example, and), anaphora (for example, which); anticipatory references (for example, it will become apparent); examples; explanations; logical relations (for example, conclusions); emphasis by quotation marks or italics; comparisons; contrasts; substitutions, etc., as well as intertextual references. Verschueren (2000: 446) provides an overview of (overlapping) explicit and implicit meta-discursive markers that include “all of Jacobson’s ‘shifters,’ Gumperz’s ‘contextualization cues’ (such as instances of code switching), anything ever discussed under the labels ‘discourse markers/particles’ or ‘pragmatic markers/particles’ (such as anyway, actually, undoubtedly, I guess, you know, etc.), ‘sentence adverbs’ (such as frankly, regrettably), hedges (such as sort of, in a sense), instances of ‘mention’ vs. ‘use’ (again as already suggested by Jakobson), as well as direct quotations, reported speech, and more implicitly embedded ‘voices.’”
- 11.
For this methodology, participatory observation should not, however, be understood in a culturalist sense, that is, the researcher does not go into and neutrally portrays a well demarcated, homogeneous, and entirely foreign culture, but explores concurring “partial truths” (Clifford 1986), unknown aspects of her “own” culture, or uses ethnographic techniques to alienate herself from the familiar everyday life.
- 12.
‘Field notes’ concern events in the field and ‘analytic notes’ concern reflexive and theoretical notes oriented towards subsequent interpretation.
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Porsché, Y. (2018). Microsociological Contextualisation Analysis. In: Public Representations of Immigrants in Museums . Postdisciplinary Studies in Discourse. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-66357-9_3
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