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The Stratifying Trade Union pp 83–140Cite as

Palgrave Macmillan

Full Union Exclusion: The Case of Mandatory Palestine’s Arab s

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Abstract

This chapter is dedicated to the phenomenon of a formal ban on a group’s membership in a trade union; to how the excluded group copes with this ban; and to how all this affects working-class inequality. This is examined by analyzing the historical case of the Arab ban from the largest union federation of the time—the Histadrut. This chapter charts how this ban was solidified, the Histadrut’s policy toward Arab workers, and toward the independent Arab trade unions. This chapter shows that the aim of full union exclusion is to marginalize the excluded group in the labor market, in order to reduce worker competition. It also assesses the effectiveness of full exclusion in exacting this labor market marginalization under different circumstances.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    In fact Arab workers were excluded from all the rest of Palestine’s Jewish trade union federations as well, yet these federations’ small size and limited operations render this exclusion rather insignificant.

  2. 2.

    From a strictly formalistic stance, it may also be claimed that exclusion did not take place in this case, since one could argue that the Histadrut was pre-defined as Jewish. This chapter’s premise is, however, that like other social constructs, this definition was not carved in stone, or ‘natural’, and thus is worthy of examination. Moreover, the definition of the Histadrut as Jewish and the possibility of separating the Histadrut’s trade unionist functions from its other functions—particularly for the purpose of including Arabs—were debated within the Histadrut (the ‘separation of functions’ debate), and in fact supported by some (e.g. see: DA 22/2/1926, p. 3; 28/7/1930, p. 2; Lockman 1996, p. 126). This means that the Jewishness of the Histadrut was a negotiated term.

  3. 3.

    Both in 1929 and 1936 only around a quarter of the Jewish-held land was nationally held (by KKL) while the rest was privately owned. Moreover, only 23% of Palestine’s Jewish rural settlers in 1936 lived in (Keren Hayesod) national settlements (i.e. moshavim and kibbutz im), while 77% lived on private land settlements (Karlinsky 1997).

  4. 4.

    For some of the correspondence between the Railway Workers Association and various Histadrut and other Zionist organizations at the beginning of the 1920s see: LA IV-237-36A; IV-203-15.

  5. 5.

    This resistance is made evident by the meager results of the continuous struggle of the Palestine Railways workers during the entire Mandate era. The unfolding of this struggle is documented in files along three main LA divisions: IV-237, IV-250-27, and IV-250-40-57, as well as in IV-203-11 and IV-203-15 folders. For a thorough analysis of the Palestine Railways workers’ story see Bernstein 2000, Chap. 6; Lockman 1996, Chaps. 3 and 4.

  6. 6.

    On the bakers’ struggle for union inclusion see: ISA 2.0.1.119 a letter from Central CID, 9/8/1922; Lockman 1996, pp. 73, 386.

  7. 7.

    The original terms were ‘Hebrew Labor’ and ‘Hebrew Produce’ respectively (e.g. DA 23/7/1935, p. 1). The euphemistic use of the word Hebrew was undoubtedly meant to blur the ethnic nature of these campaigns.

  8. 8.

    There are virtually no known records of Jewish construction workers cooperating with or asking to include their Arab counterparts in the Histadrut, similar to such instances in other sectors with mixed (Jewish–Arab) workplaces (see Note 6 and Shapira 1977, p. 69).

  9. 9.

    A selection of incidents around 1925–26 is indicative of this. See: DA 19/8/1925, p. 5; 26/8/1925, p. 1; 8/11/1925, p. 4; 1/9/1926, p. 5; Shapira 1977, p. 38.

  10. 10.

    Bernstein 1995, 2000, pp. 134–36; DA 3/2/1931, p. 2; de Vries 2000; LA IV-104-1247-1 The Cement and its Creators, 1976; IV-205-6 minutes of a discussion of the Arab Department, 28/9/1936; IV-208-1-1328A Executive Committee (EC henceforth) to Nesher WC, 10/7/1937; IV-104-49-1-76 minutes of the Histadrut Arab Committee, 28/2/1936 and 2/4/1936; Lockman 1996, pp. 162, 208–10; Studni 1974.

  11. 11.

    This common-sense stance was presented, for instance, by the chair of the Shaw Royal Commission when the Jewish Labor Movement representative testified (DH 19/12/1929, p. 4).

  12. 12.

    It should be noted that from the 1930s and on the largest Labor Movement party (Mapai ) started to successfully elicit support from the Jewish middle class (Lissak and Horowitz 1977), which over time somewhat offset this party’s leadership’s dependence on the Jewish working class.

  13. 13.

    On British fears of the Jewish Labor Movement ’s ‘Bolshevism’, and the Labor Movement’s alleged wish to recruit the aid of foreign communism see: ISA 2.0.1.119 notes about the Zionists, 2/9/1921; about Jewish labor parties, 30/5/1922; secret dispatch to Colonial Office, 1/7/1922; a wave of Bolshevism, 9/11/1922.

  14. 14.

    It should be noted that some small minority groups within the Jewish Labor Movement did seek the aid and legitimacy of Russia and international communists, and tried to win their recognition as Palestine’s communist branch (see previous note and: ISA 2.0.1.119 note on the present tendencies and dangers of Jewish Labor Movement, 1/7/1922; 2.0.1.120 a letter confiscated by British intelligence, sent from Egyptian Communists to Poalei Zion, 3/12/1923; a letter from the Workmen’s Circles to the Comintern, 1/1/1924). However, these groups were forcefully marginalized by the British authorities, and with the cooperation of the Histadrut, to a degree that rendered their influence minimal (ISA 2.0.1.119 to the Central CID, 7/8/1922; unsigned report, 1923; Lockman 1996, p. 130; Smith 1993, p. 138).

  15. 15.

    It was clear that the Histadrut would try to prevent any Arab attempt to stop Jewish immigration to Palestine, but aside from that most other policy decisions were still undecided.

  16. 16.

    In a British memorandum on the Jewish Labor Movement from 30/6/1922 (ISA 2.0.1.119) the author states that it is difficult to track the Labor Movement parties’ positions as they are constantly changing. This same memorandum goes on to say that Hapoel Hatzair advocates ‘good-understanding’ with the Arabs, which in itself is a vague policy.

  17. 17.

    The regime question and our relations with our neighbors, 13/5/1924 (Ben-Gurion 1931).

  18. 18.

    The Jewish and Arab worker, January 1922 (Ben-Gurion 1931).

  19. 19.

    Our relations with the Arab workers, 9/2/1923 (Ben-Gurion 1931).

  20. 20.

    For example DA 3/6/1925, p. 3; 5/6/1925, p. 5; 11/10/1926, p. 4; LA IV-490-1 from Nazareth Workers’ Committee to the Histadrut, 9/8/1927; IV-203-15 a translated letter to the editor, 8/9/1927; Lockman 1996, pp. 81, 89, 93.

  21. 21.

    For example Bernstein 2000, p. 117; Gozansky 2012, p. 216; HH 20/11/1924, p. 18; ISA 2.0.1.119 a letter from Central CID, 9/8/1922; LA IV-104-143-20 The Arab Palestinian Worker and Organization, 1948; Lockman 1996, p. 122; Shapira 1977, p. 65.

  22. 22.

    LA IV-104-143-27 a review of the union work done among Arabs, January 1934; IV-104-143-20 The Arab Palestinian Worker and Organization, 1948.

  23. 23.

    The only detailed example of such a mixed union from which one can learn about this Arab–Jewish dynamic is the Palestine Railways: Bernstein 2000, p. 121; HH 10/9/1923, p. 19; Lockman 1996, pp. 122–25.

  24. 24.

    LA IV-208-1-4 a foreign publication, 1923; Lockman 1996, pp. 121–22.

  25. 25.

    LA IV-208-1-4 a foreign publication, 1923; to the EC, 15/4/1924; to our Jewish comrades, 1924.

  26. 26.

    LA IV-208-1-4 the RPTWO constitution, 1924; Lockman 1996, p. 136.

  27. 27.

    To this day it remains unclear why the RPTWO’s Jewish members refused to disaffiliate from the Histadrut. The Histadrut’s funding and access to contacts surely played a role in this decision, but both did come with a hefty price. Notions of Arab workers’ passivity and the idea that they could be steered and managed may have played a part here as well.

  28. 28.

    This development is well reflected in Ben-Gurion ’s texts on the subject (Ben-Gurion 1931; ISA 2.0.1.119 Ben-Gurion’s manifesto on cooperation with Arab workers), which show how out of the many ideas suggested, certain themes are abandoned, while others persist and fortify. Both Lockman (1996) and Shapira (1977) give insightful reviews of the conceptual development of the Jewish Labor Movement toward the Arabs. For local influences on the development of this doctrine in the case of Haifa see: de Vries 1999, pp. 267–71.

  29. 29.

    Ben-Gurion 1931, An international pact between Palestinian workers, February 1924; Bernstein 2000, p. 25; DA 26/8/1927, p. 9; Shapira 1977, p. 67.

  30. 30.

    On this preference to continue to employ Arab workers in agriculture see Shapira 1977. On this preference in industrial work see Dizengoff’s words in DH 2/3/1927, p. 4.

  31. 31.

    For example Ben-Gurion 1931, Our relations with the Arab workers, February 1923; The Jewish and Arab worker, October 1925.

  32. 32.

    Bernstein 2000, p. 25; LA IV-104-143-27 a session of the secretariat of the Mapai party center, 10/11/1943.

  33. 33.

    For example LA IV-104-143-27 a review of the PLL union work among Arabs, January 1934; IV-490-10 an Arab meeting organized by Poalei Zion Smol (PZS), 3/8/1940; Lockman 1996, pp. 307–10.

  34. 34.

    LA IV-104-143-20 The Arab Palestinian Worker and Organization, 1948.

  35. 35.

    LA IV-203-11 an overview of the history of the PLL newspaper, 9/2/1928.

  36. 36.

    DA 13/12/1932, p. 2; LA IV-208-1-186A HWC to EC, 20/7/1931; Shapira 1977, p. 170.

  37. 37.

    LA IV-104-143-27 a review of the PLL union work among Arabs, January 1934; IV-250-27-5-131 Hushi to EC, 18/9/1942; Shapira 1977, p. 171.

  38. 38.

    See the previous note, and: LA IV-205-7 PLL to Riftin, 1/3/1937; IV-205-7 a PLL report Sep. 1936–May 1937, 20/5/1937; IV-205-7 a letter to an Arab worker, 8/8/1937.

  39. 39.

    As in the case of the Arab seamen in the Haifa port, who in their struggle in April 1932 enjoyed committed representation on part of the HWC, and joined the PLL even though they did not achieve their goals (Bernstein 2000, pp. 162–63; Lockman 1996, p. 196).

  40. 40.

    LA IV-104-143-27 a review of the PLL union work among Arabs, January 1934; a review of the PLL union work done among Arabs, November 1934.

  41. 41.

    For example the Haifa Bakeries strikes in 1932, in which the Histadrut gave all the aid it could muster, still failed to achieve the workers’ goals (see: Lockman 1996, p. 206).

  42. 42.

    See: Bernstein 2000, pp. 134–36; DA 9/8/1934, p. 3; LA IV-104-143-20 The Arab Palestinian Worker and Organization, 1948; IV-104-1247-1 The Cement and its Creators, 1976; IV-208-1-608 the decisions of the Nesher Quarry arbitration, 22/6/1933; IV-104-143-27 a review of the union work done among Arabs, January 1934; Lockman 1996, pp. 207–10.

  43. 43.

    LA IV-104-143-27 a review of the union work done among Arabs, January 1934; IV-205-6 minutes of the Arab Department’s meeting, 11/11/1936.

  44. 44.

    For example LA IV-208-1-295E minutes of the HWC secretary meeting, 26/2/1931; IV-205-6 Haifa PLL to Ben-Zvi, 23/10/1936.

  45. 45.

    This selectiveness was in addition to its initial selectiveness toward labor market sectors described earlier in this chapter. For instance it denied assistance to workers outside of its two main bases of operations—Haifa and Jaffa —and their vicinities (e.g. LA IV-205-7 a letter to an Arab worker, 8/8/1937; Shapira 1977, p. 171).

  46. 46.

    LA IV-205-6 minutes of the Arab Department’s meeting, 11/11/1936; IV-205-6 minutes of the Arab Department’s meeting, 31/12/1936; IV-205-7 a PLL report Sep. 1936–May 1937, 20/5/1937; Lockman 1996, p. 246; Shapira 1977, p. 285.

  47. 47.

    Bernstein 2000, p. 164; LA IV-104-143-27 a review of the union work done among Arabs, January 1934; IV-104-143-27 a review of the union work done among Arabs, November 1934; IV-104-49-1-76 minutes of the Histadrut Arab Committee, 28/2/1936; Lockman 1996, pp. 213–15.

  48. 48.

    LA IV-208-1-295E HWC’s operation report of 1930, January 1931; IV-104-143-27 a review of the union work done among Arabs, January 1934; IV-205-7 a PLL report Sep. 1936–May 1937, 20/5/1937; Lockman 1996, p. 246.

  49. 49.

    DA 9/8/1934, p. 3; LA IV-104-143-20 The Arab Palestinian Worker and Organization, 1948; IV-104-143-27 a review of the union work done among Arabs, January 1934; IV-104-143-27 a review of the union work done among Arabs, November 1934.

  50. 50.

    While there is one known case of strike pay (Lockman 1996, p. 206), there are other cases in which it was promised but not delivered (e.g. LA IV-104-143-27 a review of the union work done among Arabs, January 1934).

  51. 51.

    DA 9/8/1934, p. 3; LA IV-104-143-20 The Arab Palestinian Worker and Organization, 1948; IV-104-143-27 a review of the union work done among Arabs, January 1934; IV-104-143-27 a review of the union work done among Arabs, November 1934; Shapira 1977, p. 174.

  52. 52.

    For example LA IV-205-6 minutes of the Arab Department’s meeting, 11/11/1936.

  53. 53.

    The best example comes from the PAWS ’s first convention in January 1930: DA 15/1/1930, p. 2; LA IV-208-1-186A HWC to the EC, 15/1/1930; Lockman 1996, p. 180.

  54. 54.

    For example LA IV-104-143-20 The Arab Palestinian Worker and Organization, 1948; Shapira 1977, p. 176.

  55. 55.

    Bernstein 2000, p. 136; LA IV-104-49-1-76 Arab Dept. to the Histadrut Tel Aviv Contracting office, 6/2/1936; IV-104-49-1-76 minutes of the Arab Department meeting, 28/2/1936; IV-205-6 Arab Department to Haifa PLL branch, 29/9/1936; IV-205-6 minutes of the Arab Department’s meeting, 11/11/1936; IV-205-7 Hashomer Hatzair to HWC and PLL, 29/1/1937; IV-250-27-5-131 Haifa PLL to Solel, 26/8/1942; Lockman 1996, p. 279.

  56. 56.

    For example LA IV-104-49-1-76 minutes of the Arab Department meeting, 28/2/1936; IV-250-27-5-131 Haifa PLL to Solel, 26/8/1942.

  57. 57.

    Bernstein 2000, p. 131; LA IV-205-6 minutes of the Arab Department’s meeting, 11/11/1936; IV-104-49-1-76 minutes of the Histadrut Arab Committee, 28/2/1936; IV-205-6 minutes of the Arab Department’s meeting, 31/12/1936; IV-205-7 a PLL report Sep. 1936–May 1937, 20/5/1937; Lockman 1996, pp. 213–15; Shapira 1977, p. 285.

  58. 58.

    An instance of such reproach was voiced in Poalei Zion Smol’s (PZS, the semi-Marxist party within Zionism) meeting in 1934 (DA 9/8/1934, p. 3). This reproach did not remain unanswered and the Histadrut reacted by establishing an Arab committee (Shapira 1977, pp. 180–81), which is a known means for burying an issue.

  59. 59.

    For example Ben-Gurion 1931: Memo to the Royal Commission, 24/12/1929; DA 20/12/1929, p. 3; DH 19/12/1929, p. 4.

  60. 60.

    For example ISA 2.0.1.119 note on the present tendencies and dangers of Jewish labor movement in Palestine, 1/7/1922.

  61. 61.

    On the Jewish Labor Movement ’s use of picketing accompanied by intimidation up to 1927 see: DA 19/8/1925, p. 5; 26/8/1925, p. 1; DH 9/11/1920, p. 3; 6/10/1922, p. 3; 14/7/1924, p. 3; 16/1/1925, p. 8; Smith 1993, pp. 140–42. On the general tendency of the Jewish Labor Movement to use violence see Shapira 1989.

  62. 62.

    In another instance Shapira talks of the picketing of hungry workers (1977, p. 86), while Lockman talks of desperate workers (1996, p. 199). Picketing by these groups was often violent.

  63. 63.

    For example AH 29/12/1943, p. 4; DA 18/4/1945, p. 1.

  64. 64.

    Bernstein 2000, p. 96; for example DA 11/5/1928, p. 1; 19/6/1931, p. 3.

  65. 65.

    For example LA IV-104-49-2-38 minutes of a meeting with the Jerusalem Electric Company, 31/1/1929.

  66. 66.

    For example DA 27/6/1934, p. 8; LA IV-208-1-608 HWC to JA, 18/12/1934; Lockman 1996, pp. 331–33.

  67. 67.

    Examples of such pressures on government: DA 31/8/1932, p. 5; 13/2/1933, p. 3; LA IV-104-49-2-38 from EC to Hoz, 19/2/1929; IV-250-27-2-244 from HWC to EC, 21/12/1936. In certain government workplaces a higher target goal was set with some ad hoc explanations. For example in the Haifa Port in 1934 the HWC demanded 50% Jewish work, since 60% of the produce passing through was ‘Jewish’ (LA IV-208-1-608 HWC to JA, 29/1/1934).

  68. 68.

    Ben-Gurion 1931, Answer to Wdgwood, October 1926; DH 8/12/1933, p. 2; Lockman 1996, p. 102; Smith 1993, pp. 16, 59.

  69. 69.

    This is well articulated by the support of the JLC by the different newspapers that represented different, and often conflicting, Jewish political parties (e.g. AH 21/9/1943, p. 4; 29/12/1943, p. 4; DA 1/6/1925, p. 5; 11/5/1928, p. 1; DH 24/7/1925, p. 1; 16/1/1930, p. 3; HH 12/6/1925, p. 19; 31/7/1925, p. 18; HS 30/6/1939, p. 2; 8/3/1940, p. 6; HZ 15/6/1931, p. 1; 16/7/1939, p. 1).

  70. 70.

    For instance it was suggested in 1934 that every Histadrut member should donate two days to the JLC (DA 6/9/1934, p. 31; 10/10/1934, p. 1).

  71. 71.

    This self-evident status meant that there was no longer a need to explain why the JLC should be supported, but only that it should, for the good of the nation.

  72. 72.

    Jewish communists, the PZS and some fringe groups objected to the JLC policy on moral grounds (Bernstein 2000, p. 105; DA 22/2/1933, p. 4; 9/8/1934, p. 3; LA IV-490-7 a Kedma Hamizrach memorandum on the Arab question, 7/8/1939; IV-490-10 an Arab meeting organized by PZS, 3/8/1940; Lockman 1996; Shapira 1977, p. 59), while Hashomer Hatzair objected on strategic grounds (DA 25/3/1931, p. 3).

  73. 73.

    Hillel Dan, one of the founders and top managers of Solel Boneh, repeatedly mentioned in his memoirs that the Arab worker was more efficient than his Jewish counterpart (Dan 1963).

  74. 74.

    For example DA 26/6/1934, p. 6; 5/12/1934, p. 2; 27/12/1934, pp. 21, 24.

  75. 75.

    DA 22/5/1934, p. 2; 26/6/1934, p. 6; 6/9/1934, p. 6; Shapira 1977, pp. 223–24.

  76. 76.

    See: DA 27/11/1932, p. 2; 11/5/1934, p. 15; 21/8/1934, p. 5; 16/9/1934, p. 1; LA IV-208-1-608 HWC to the Histadrut Work Center, 2/10/1934. On the general paradoxes this dynamics created see: DA 15/2/1935, p. 12; DH 7/2/1933, p. 2; 28/6/1934, p. 1.

  77. 77.

    DA 17/7/1933, p. 4; 12/10/1934, p. 1; 9/4/1941, p. 2; 18/4/1945, p. 2; Khalaf 1997; Lockman 1996, p. 199; Shapira 1977.

  78. 78.

    Moshava agricultural work is an example of such a sector, and the Palestine Railways is an example of such a workplace (see Shapira 1977 and both Bernstein 2000 and Lockman 1996 respectively).

  79. 79.

    For the chronology of this development see: Bernstein 2000, pp. 154–56; DA 3/6/1936, p. 3; LA IV-250-24-2-244 a proposition for changes in custom porting, 20/4/1934; IV-208-1-608 HWC to EC, 2/7/1934; IV-250-27-2-244 from HWC to EC, 21/12/1936; a letter to the JA, 28/12/1936.

  80. 80.

    DA 8/8/1930, p. 2; 20/12/1932, p. 5; 15/5/1941, p. 3; Dan 1963, pp. 47, 95–97.

  81. 81.

    Indeed, competition from cheap work was considered one of the reasons Solel Boneh went bankrupt in 1927 (DA 29/3/1929, p. 2).

  82. 82.

    Bernstein 2000, pp. 73, 188–89; Khalaf 1997; LA IV-104-143-20 The Arab Palestinian Worker and Organization, 1948; Lockman 1996, p. 89.

  83. 83.

    LA IV-104-143-20 The Arab Palestinian Worker and Organization, 1948.

  84. 84.

    Lockman 1996, p. 150. For an example of such attack see: HIS3, p. 218. For an example of an OARW reply to such attack see: LA IV-490-3 PAWS to Palestine Railways workers, September 1928.

  85. 85.

    Bernstein 2000, pp. 193–94; Lockman 1996, pp. 153–57.

  86. 86.

    DA 15/1/1930, p. 2; LA IV-208-1-186A HWC to the EC, 15/1/1930; IV-104-143-20 The Arab Palestinian Worker and Organization, 1948; Lockman 1996, p. 180; Power 1998.

  87. 87.

    Bernstein 2000, pp. 130–31; DA 30/11/1932, pp. 2–3; LA IV-205-6 the Karmon factory strike, 15/9/1935; IV-104-49-1-76 minutes of the Arab Department meeting, 28/2/1936; IV-104-49-1-76 a new strike in the Nesher quarry, 29/2/1936; IV-104-143-20 The Arab Palestinian Worker and Organization, 1948; Lockman 1996, pp. 231–33.

  88. 88.

    LA IV-104-143-20 The Arab Palestinian Worker and Organization, 1948.

  89. 89.

    For example ISA 2.7.1.293 AWS to the District Commissioner, 27/9/1935; the mayor of Jaffa to the District Commissioner, 19/10/1935; Chief Secretary to District Commissioner, 5/12/1935; Shapira 1977, p. 162.

  90. 90.

    CS 5/3/1936, p. 35; LA IV-104-49-1-76 an AWS pamphlet, 26/2/1936; minutes of the Arab Department meeting, 28/2/1936.

  91. 91.

    LA IV-104-143-20 The Arab Palestinian Worker and Organization, 1948; Lockman 1996, pp. 236–38.

  92. 92.

    For example in the Nesher Quarry: Bernstein 2000, p. 135; LA IV-104-1247-1 The Concrete and its Creators, 1976. In the Maspero factory the PLL functionaries explicitly admitted they would not demand wages equal to those of Jewish workers: LA IV-104-49-1-76 Marminsky’s journal, 3/3/1936.

  93. 93.

    On the Histadrut’s success see: LA IV-104-49-1-76 Jewish and other labour in public works, 20/3/1936; Smith 1993, pp. 153–57. In the refurbishing project of the Haifa Port, the Histadrut tried this strategy as well, but failed as the Colonial Office decided that open discrimination in wage rates between Arabs and Jews could not be entertained, and at the same time the High Commissioner came to the conclusion that a hidden bonus system would be unfair (DA 8/8/1930, p. 2; Smith 1993, p. 158).

  94. 94.

    Bernstein 2000, p. 92; DA 4/8/1932, p. 3; 8/12/1939, p. 1; LA IV-208-1-295E HWC to EC, 9/7/1931; JA to EC, 30/7/1931; Shapira 1977, p. 41. An extremely rare exception were the Arab citrus grove strikes in Nes Ziona and Petah Tikva, in which the Arab workers approached the Histadrut and it did give aid (DA 9/8/1934, p. 3; Shapira 1977, pp. 177–78). Still, the aid given was minimal (Lockman 1996, pp. 214–15), and generally this is an exception that is mostly indicative of the rule.

  95. 95.

    Dan 1963, pp. 86–87; LA IV-208-1-295E HWC to EC, 7/4/1931; IV-208-1-608 HWC to EC, 28/11/1933; Lockman 1996, pp. 230–31; PB 18/6/1930, p. 3; Shapira 1977, p. 288.

  96. 96.

    Ben-Gurion 1931, Memo to the Royal Commission, 24/12/1929.

  97. 97.

    See the previous note, and: DA 29/7/1928, p. 4; 29/3/1929, p. 2; Smith 1993, p. 137. This distinction was also framed as cultured versus uncultured (DA 28/7/1930, p. 2).

  98. 98.

    For example DA 30/5/1929, p. 1; 4/8/1932, p. 3; LA IV-104-49-2-38 a letter from Dov Hoz to the EC, 3/5/1928. This logic was also used against Palestine’s Jewish Orientals—the Yemenis.

  99. 99.

    On promoting a regressive policy of taxation see Metzer 1998. It is worthwhile quoting Metzer’s criticism of this policy: It runs counter to one of the two principles. Either it repudiates the basic idea of public finance in the democratic world—that the rich should be taxed to meet the needs of the poor—or it denies or ignores the theory that Arabs and Jews are members of one Palestinian society (ibid., p. 221).

  100. 100.

    For example Ben-Gurion 1931, The Relations with the Arab Worker, October 1926; Answer to Wdgwood, October 1926; Memo to the Royal Commission, 24/12/1929; DA 14/3/1929, p. 2; 19/6/1931, p. 3; 2/12/1931, p. 4; 7/3/1935, p. 33; LA IV-104-49-1-76 minutes of the 2nd EC meeting on the ‘Arab question’, 7/11/1929.

  101. 101.

    For example PC37, Thirty-eighth meeting, 30/12/1936.

  102. 102.

    For these changes in colonial labor policy see: Basdeo 1981; ISA 2.20.1.467 Colonial Government labor policy, 12/7/1938; a Colonial Labour Department circular, 3/8/1939; LS43.

  103. 103.

    Doron 2003; ISA 2.6.1.251 draft estimates 1943–44, 31/10/1942; LS43; Power 1998; Taqqu 1980.

  104. 104.

    HB 27/9/1942. See also similar declarations by the deputy director a few days later: HB 7/10/1942; PP 13/10/1942.

  105. 105.

    ISA 2.6.1.251 extra clerical assistance, 16/1/1943; draft estimates 1943–44, 31/10/1942.

  106. 106.

    HB 29/1/1943; HZ 24/1/1943; ISA 2.6.1.251 draft estimates 1943–44, 31/10/1942; LA IV-250-27-5-131 a memorandum on Arab unions, 12/3/1943; IV-219-56 Arab Department meeting with the PAWS, 1/6/1943; PP 18/4/1943.

  107. 107.

    LA IV-250-27-5-131 Hushi to EC, 18/9/1942.

  108. 108.

    LA IV-250-27-5-131 a report of the Arab Department, 6/10/1943.

  109. 109.

    LA IV-104-143-27 a session of the secretariat of the Mapai party center, 10/11/1943.

  110. 110.

    LA IV-250-27-5-131 minutes of the Arab Department, 16/11/1943; Lockman 1996, pp. 310–12.

  111. 111.

    For instance when the PAWS disrupted PLL efforts to organize and aid American Colony Hotel Arab workers, the Labour Department did not aid the PLL either (Lockman 1996, pp. 313–15).

  112. 112.

    LA IV-219-85 survey of Histadrut activities, July 1947.

  113. 113.

    LA IV-104-143-20 The Arab Palestinian Worker and Organization, 1948.

  114. 114.

    LA IV-208-1-295E HWC to EC, 7/4/1931.

  115. 115.

    Abdo 1992; LA IV-250-27-5-131 FATU to the Government Wage Committee, 31/12/1942; Lockman 1996, p. 297.

  116. 116.

    The Histadrut’s and other Jewish federations’ employment agencies were in a gradual process of consolidation in the second half of the Mandate era (Shapira 1977, pp. 342–43). As this was an internal Jewish issue, it will be dealt with extensively in Chaps. 4 and 5.

  117. 117.

    Examples for Histadrut/JA employment agencies serving as a JLC tool: AH 21/9/1943, p. 4; 29/12/1943, p. 4; DA 24/4/1946, p. 2; HS 25/12/1947, p. 3.

  118. 118.

    DA 6/5/1943. This included the closing of private employment agencies, to which the FATU objected (DA 2/9/1943).

  119. 119.

    This refers to the hopes of those wishing to see Jewish–Arab workers’ equalization. The state employment agency was also pushed for by a group of Jewish employers with different interests (see: ISA 5.0.1.455 proposition to establish state EAs, 12/3/1942).

  120. 120.

    HZ 24/1/1943; ISA 2.20.1.467 new labor legislation and policy in British colonies since 1937, 10/7/1943; Taqqu 1980.

  121. 121.

    AH 7/2/1944, p. 4; HZ 26/3/1946, p. 2; ISA 2.20.1.467 new labor legislation and policy in British colonies since 1937, 10/7/1943.

  122. 122.

    For example AH 7/2/1944, p. 4; DA 6/4/1943; 6/5/1943; HB 29/1/1943; 6/4/1943; HZ 24/1/1943; 5/4/1943.

  123. 123.

    For example DA 2/9/1943; HS 26/3/1946, p. 3; HZ 26/3/1946; LA IV-250-27-5-131 FATU to the Government Wage Committee, 32/12/1942; PP 18/4/1943.

  124. 124.

    DA 6/5/1943; HB 29/1/1943; HZ 24/1/1943; 4/1/1943; LA IV-250-27-5-131 FATU to the Government Wage Committee, 32/12/1942; IV-219-56 a report of a meeting between workers and commander in Sarfend, 7/1/1943; IV-219-56 a PAWS memo to army command, 11/4/1943.

  125. 125.

    Especially strained were the relations between the PAWS and the PLL. Competition over Arab workers’ membership in several workplaces and sectors had become fierce to the degree that the PAWS’s willingness to cooperate was repeatedly withdrawn once the Histadrut involved the PLL in negotiations (LA IV-219-56 Agassi’s journal, 18/6/1943; IV-104-143-27 a session of the secretariat of the Mapai party center, 10/11/1943; IV-219-56 minutes of a joint committee on camps, 16/6/1947).

  126. 126.

    AH 7/2/1944, p. 4; DA 6/4/1943; HB 29/1/1943; 6/4/1943; HZ 24/1/1943; 5/4/1943; Khalaf 1997; LA IV-250-27-5-131 PAWS to all-Arab camp workers, 26/4/1943; IV-219-56 HWC to EC, 12/5/1943; IV-219-56 from PAWS to Arab camp workers, 18/5/1943; IV-219-15 a report on clerk union operations 1946–May 1947, 1/1/1946; Lockman 1996, pp. 298–312.

  127. 127.

    AH 6/2/1944, p. 4; Bernstein 2000, pp. 201–02; CZA KRU-14535 a Histadrut pamphlet on government workers strike, April 1946; LA IV-219-56 Arab Department meeting with the PAWS, 1/6/1943; IV-219-56 Arab–Jewish cooperation, 18/8/1947; IV-219-14 Tel Aviv WC circular, 25/9/1947; IV-104-143-20 The Arab Palestinian Worker and Organization, 1948; Lockman 1996, pp. 297, 328, 335–39.

  128. 128.

    Gozansky 2012, p. 201; LA IV-104-143-20 The Arab Palestinian Worker and Organization, 1948; Reuveny 1993, p. 103.

  129. 129.

    LA IV-219-56 to the Work Center, 11/8/1947; Arab–Jewish cooperation, 18/8/1947; dismissal of camp workers, 13/10/1947; trade union activities, 16/11/1947; Lockman 1996, p. 339.

  130. 130.

    Khalaf 1997; LA IV-104-143-20 The Arab Palestinian Worker and Organization, 1948.

  131. 131.

    See: LA IV-104-143-27 a session of the secretariat of the Mapai party center, 10/11/1943.

  132. 132.

    The creation of Jewish Agency –sponsored ‘general employment agencies’ , and the dissolution of the Histadrut agencies at the end of the 1930s, constituted a transfer of a very central function—that is, work allocation—from the Histadrut to a neutral organization, and was aimed at alleviating the severe conflicts between the different Jewish federations. As will be mentioned in the next chapter, the Histadrut vigorously opposed this step, but at last conceded to losing what was perceived as a core operation since its inception.

  133. 133.

    This is not to say Arab workers had no chance to effectively unionize, but that their initial conditions were a difficulty to overcome. Indeed if it was impossible for ‘outsiders ’ to use unions for their advantage due to poverty, we would not see such pro-active attempts by ‘insiders ’ to exclude, as in this and other examples from the globe.

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Duke, S.A. (2018). Full Union Exclusion: The Case of Mandatory Palestine’s Arab s. In: The Stratifying Trade Union. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-65100-2_3

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