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Corruption Indicators in Local Political Landscapes: Reflections from Albania

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Abstract

Recent work by an interdisciplinary community of scholars has brought attention to the politics and economics of the production and deployment of indicators on a wide range of issues—from human rights and the rule of law to health care and climate change. Working alongside this literature, this chapter looks into the production and circulation of corruption indicators as powerful sources of expertise and as means of global and local governance. The focus of the chapter is a corruption indicator produced in Albania, a country that over the past 25 years has depended on international development aid and has eagerly (but to this day unsuccessfully) tried to join the European Union. The chapter traces the production and circulation of this indicator among a heterogeneous network of actors—governmental bodies, international organisations, local research centres, and global consultants—and its intended and unintended uses by various political actors on the ground. More specifically, the chapter traces the uses of this indicator as a source of expertise in discussions and decision-making around key court cases of alleged high-level corruption and on the ongoing judicial reform.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    The indicator in question acts as a “quasi-indicator” (Davis et al. 2012b). It compares institutions to one another and over time. However, unlike other indicators (such as TI’s CPI, for instance), its rankings are not compared to those of other countries.

  2. 2.

    It should be noted that the local branch that managed the Albania scores for the TI CPI, the Citizens Advocacy Office (CAO), also received funding support from the USAID Rule of Law Program.

  3. 3.

    As detailed in Musaraj 2015, the Italian TV mini-series La Piovra, produced in Italy between 1984 and 1999, was broadcast on the highly censored (only) Albanian television station between 1987 and 1988. The TV series was extremely popular in a number of late socialist countries (among others, the former USSR, Bulgaria, and Albania). The series depicts the Italian mafia and its multiple tentacles entwined around the highest levels of government—hence the metaphor of the octopus. Silvia Conti, a deputy prosecutor, is one of the few characters in the series who is not corrupt.

  4. 4.

    According to the USAID/IDRA survey, the judiciary remained one of the least trusted institutions throughout 2005–2009 (IDRA 2010, p. 14).

  5. 5.

    A recent account of these transformations highlights the enormous support that American institutions provided for Berisha and the PD in the beginnings of the democracy movements (Abrahams 2015). Since the Gerdec investigations, the support of the American Embassy has shifted towards the Socialist Party.

  6. 6.

    Similar questions of continuity in the production of data also emerge from internal debates about the best methodological tools to use. This is, for instance, an issue that also applies to the recent changes in TI’s CPI, which has changed it methodology making it impossible to compare the data from the 2011 CPI with that of the 2012 CPI (TI 2012).

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Musaraj, S. (2018). Corruption Indicators in Local Political Landscapes: Reflections from Albania. In: Malito, D., Umbach, G., Bhuta, N. (eds) The Palgrave Handbook of Indicators in Global Governance. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-62707-6_15

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