Abstract
This chapter analyses the presence of non-political ministers in the Spanish cabinet in the democratic period since 1977, where one out of five ministers did not belong to the ruling party at the time of her appointment and one out of three can be considered as a non-political minister. By observing the selection and deselection of these individuals, it shows the cabinet dynamic behind the ministerial appointments and the differences between the more political type of ministers and those coming from outside political pathways. Despite some outstanding exceptions, non-political ministers are often recruited from outside the parliament and have fewer chances to develop a relevant ministerial career, staying in the cabinet shorter than political ministers. Similarly, they are more likely to leave the cabinet due to a general reshuffle or to an electoral defeat than to intra-cabinet conflicts or problems arising with parties. In the end, the significant amount of non-political ministers reflect the strong ‘presidential’ tendency of Spanish politics, with the predominance of the prime minister in and out of the cabinet, and the influence of the multi-level dynamics of the political system in the ministerial recruitment.
This is a preview of subscription content, log in via an institution to check access.
Access this chapter
Tax calculation will be finalised at checkout
Purchases are for personal use only
Notes
- 1.
That has happened only once until present: in February 1981, when Leopoldo Calvo-Sotelo reached the presidency following the resignation of Adolfo Suárez.
- 2.
Again, the only exception was Calvo-Sotelo. Although he became president of the party just after his nomination as a head of government, he lacked the control of the party machinery and was internally contested. Finally, he stepped down as a party leader only 7 months after his election, some weeks before being forced to call for early elections.
- 3.
Nevertheless, some ministers of military portfolios have been considered close to King Juan Carlos, as was the case of Eduardo Serra (1996–2000) and Pedro Morenés (2011–2016).
- 4.
During the VIII legislature (2004–2008), that support also came from another national party: Izquierda Unida (IU), which then had only five MPs (two of them from its Catalan allies ICV).
- 5.
Although the PSOE only obtained 175 out of 350 parliamentary seats (50%) in the 1989–1993 term, it was considered a majority due to the refusal of the Basque nationalists from HB to attend parliamentary sessions during that term.
- 6.
Data from the CIS data-bank, Surveys No 2270 (1997) and No 2849 (2010). Source: http://datosbd.cis.es/ciswebconsultas/serieFichaView.htm?idSerie=A401010010&from=serieList (Accessed: 1-06-2016).
- 7.
Data from the CIS data-bank, Survey No 2990 (2013). Source: http://www.cis.es/cis/export/sites/default/-Archivos/Indicadores/documentos_html/TresProblemas.html (Accessed: 1-06-2016).
- 8.
According with the Ley Orgánica del Estado (LOE), the prime minister, ‘will be designated by the chief of state after a proposal from the council of the Kingdom’ (article 14.1). This law, still officially in force at the time of the first democratic elections, until it was abolished by the new constitution, did not consider the institution of the President investiture by the Cortes. Accordingly, Suárez did not submit himself to a vote of investiture in 1977.
- 9.
Fuentes Quintana announced his economic policy view, based upon a consensual approach beyond party lines, 3 days after his appointment in a famous ministerial speech on TV (video available in https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Y2tINhRiMqs, last visit on 01/06/2016).
- 10.
The first parliamentary voting session was interrupted by entrance of a significant number of members of the Guardia Civil into the chamber which was the beginning of the failed 23 February coup.
- 11.
In particular, the reform of the Statute of Autonomy in Catalonia ended up in a controversial outcome that left the Catalan regional parties supporting the government unsatisfied, particularly ERC, the Catalan left independence party, and lead to the resignation of the Minister of Defence José Bono.
- 12.
Some months after his departure, Cesar Antonio Molina reported that his resignation as minister of Culture was due to a lack of ‘glamour’, according to the prime minister, who told him that he would prefer a woman in the ministry (Diario de Pontevedra 2010).
- 13.
His last minister of education, Ángel Gabilondo, professor of philosophy and former Vice Chancellor of the Universidad Autónoma de (UAM), was later elected PSOE’s candidate to the regional government of the Community of Madrid.
- 14.
A third, Adolfo Suárez, was appointed minister in the first cabinet of King Juan Carlos, before reaching the presidency of government in July 1976.
- 15.
Members of the judiciary in Spain cannot be affiliated to a political party.
- 16.
Alberto Oliart (UCD), Elena Salgado (PSOE) and Josep Piqué (PP). Manuel Gutiérrez Mellado (UCD) and Pedro Solbes (PSOE) were appointed also three times, but they hold the same portfolio.
Table 6.5 Ministerial career of ministers without a political background, 1977–2015
References
Ajenjo, N., & Molina, I. (2011). Spain: Majoritarian Choices, Disciplined Party Government and Compliant Legislature. In B. E. Rasch & G. Tsebelis (Eds.), The Role of Governments in Legislative Agenda Setting. London: Routledge.
Alberdi, C. (2001). El poder es cosa de hombres. Madrid: La Esfera de los Libros.
Baena, M. (1999). Elites y conjuntos de poder en España (1939–1992). Madrid: Tecnos.
Ban, C. (2016). Ruling Ideas: How Global Neoliberalism Goes Local. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Bar, A. (1983). El Presidente del Gobierno en España. Madrid: Civitas.
Bar, A. (1997). Spain: A Prime Ministerial Government. In J. Blondel & F. Müller-Rommel (Eds.), Cabinets in Western Europe (2nd ed.). Chippenham: St. Martin’s Press.
Bermeo, N. (2003). Ministerial Elites in Southern Europe: Continuities, Changes and Comparisons. In P. Tavares de Almeida, A. Costa Pinto, & N. Bermeo (Eds.), Who Governs Southern Europe? Regime Change and Ministerial Recruitment, 1850–2000. London: Frank Cass.
Blondel, J., & Thiebault, J. L. (Eds.). (2010). Political Leadership, Parties and Citizens: The Personalisation of Leadership. London: Routledge.
Caciagli, M. (1989). La parábola de la Unión de Centro Democrático. In J. F. Tezanos, R. Cotarelo, & A. de Blas (Eds.), La transición democrática española. Madrid: Sistema.
Diario de Pontevedra. (2010). Interview to César Antonio Molina, June 2.
Field, B. (2016). How Minority Government Works. Multilevel Territorial Politics in Spain. London: Palgrave.
Guindos, L. (2016). España amenazada. Barcelona: Península.
Gunther, R., & Montero, J. R. (2009). The Politics of Spain. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Gunther, R., Montero, J. R., & Botella, J. (2004). Democracy in Modern Spain. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
Helms, L. (2005). Presidents, Prime Ministers and Chancellors: Executive Leadership in Western Democracies. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Heywood, P., & Molina, I. (2000). A Quasi-Presidential Premiership: Administering the Executive Summit in Spain. In B. Guy Peters et al. (Eds.), Administering the Summit: Administration of the Core Executive in Developed Countries. London: Sage.
Hopkin, J. (2000). El partido de la transición. Madrid: Acento.
Huneeus, C. (1985). La Unión de Centro Democrático y la transición a la democracia en España. Madrid: Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas.
Jerez, M., & Delgado, I. (2011). Mujeres y parlamentos entre dos siglos. El caso de España. Psicología Política, 42, 96–116.
Jerez, M., Linz, J. J., & Real-Dato, J. (2013). Los diputados en la nueva democracia española, 1977–2011: pautas de continuidad y cambio. In J. R. Montero & T. J. Miley (Eds.), Partidos y elites políticas en España. Obras Escogidas de Juan Linz (Vol. 6). Madrid: CEPC.
La Vanguardia. (2007). Alavedra revela que Piqué aspiró a ser hombre de Convergència en el Gobierno de Aznar, March 7.
Lijphart, A. (2012). Patterns of Democracy. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
Linz, J. J., & Jerez, M. (2013). Los diputados en las Cortes de la Restauración y de la Segunda República. In J. R. Montero & T. J. Miley (Eds.), Partidos y elites políticas en España. Obras Escogidas de Juan Linz (Vol. 6). Madrid: CEPC.
Linz, J. J., Jerez, M., & Corzo, S. (2003). Ministers and Regimes in Spain: From the First to the Second Restoration, 1874–2002. In P. Tavares de Almeida, A. Costa Pinto, & N. Bermeo (Eds.), Who Governs Southern Europe? Regime Change and Ministerial Recruitment (pp. 1850–2000). London: Frank Cass.
Linz, J. J., Jerez, M., & Corzo, S. (2013). Ministros y regímenes en España: del Sexenio Revolucionario a la Monarquía Parlamentaria. In J. R. Montero & T. J. Miley (Eds.), Partidos y elites políticas en España. Obras Escogidas de Juan Linz (Vol. 6). Madrid: CEPC.
Luque, F. J. (2014). Los ministros de Hacienda en España (1901–1986): perfil sociopolítico e influencia. Ph.D. dissertation, Universidad de Granada, Granada.
Mata, T., Luque, F. J., & Ortega, M. (2010). La percepción de los ministros del Gobierno de España (1984–2009). Madrid: CIS.
Maurer, L. M. (2008). The Power of Committees in the Spanish Congress of Deputies. In B. N. Field & K. Hamann (Eds.), Democracy and Institutional Development Spain in Comparative Theoretical Perspective. London: Palgrave.
Oñate, P., & Camacho, B. (2013). Expertise as a Trait of Professionalization of the Spanish MPs? Professionals, but Not Experts. Unpublished manuscript.
Parrado, S. (1996). Las élites de la administración estatal (1982–1991). Estudio general y pautas de reclutamiento. Sevilla: Instituto Andaluz de Administración Pública.
Poguntke, T., & Webb, P. (Eds.). (2005). The Presidentialization of Politics. A Comparative Study of Modern Democracies. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Powell, C. (2001). España en democracia, 1975–2000. Barcelona: Plaza-Janés.
Ramió, C. (2012). La extraña pareja. La procelosa relación entre politicos y funcionarios. Madrid: Catarata.
Real-Dato, J. (2011). How Important Is the Public? The Influence of Public Opinion on Ministerial Duration. Paper presented at the ECPR Joint Session, April 12–17, Saint Gallen.
Real-Dato, J., & Jerez, M. (2009). Cabinet Dynamics in Democratic Spain (1977–2008). In K. Dowding & P. Dumont (Eds.), The Selection of Ministers. Hiring and Firing. London: Routledge.
Real-Dato, J., & Rodríguez-Teruel, J. (2016). Politicians, Experts or Both? Democratic Delegation and Junior Ministers in Spain. Acta Politica, 51(4), 492–516.
Reniu, J. M. (2011). Spain Is Different: Explaining Minority Governments by Diverging Party Goals. In R. W. Andeweg & L. De Winter (Eds.), Puzzles of Government Formation. Coalition Theory and Deviant Cases. London: Routledge.
Rodríguez-Teruel, J. (2011a). Los ministros en la España democrática. Reclutamiento y carrera ministerial de Suárez a Zapatero (1976–2010). Madrid: Centro de Estudios Políticos y Constitucionales.
Rodríguez-Teruel, J. (2011b). Ministerial and Parliamentary Elites in Multilevel Spain (1977–2009). Comparative Sociology, 11(6), 887–907.
Rodríguez-Teruel, J. (2012). Strangers in the Night? Non-partisan Ministers in Parliamentary Executives: The Case of Spain (1977–2012). Paper presented at the Convegno Italiano di Scienza Politica, September 13–15, Rome.
Rodríguez-Teruel, J. (2017). ¿El fin del secreto eficiente? La selección de los ministros y el debilitamiento de la representación parlamentaria en España. In F. González, J. Fernández Albertos, & G. Damiani (Eds.), ¿Quién manda aquí? La crisis global de la democracia representativa. Madrid: Debate.
Rodríguez-Teruel, J., & Barrio, A. (2017). Political Parties in Multilevel Spain: Organization, Influence and Strategies. In G. Lachapelle & P. Oñate (Eds.), Federalism, Devolution and Multi-level Governance. Leverkusen: Budrich Academic.
Semprún, J. (1996). Federico Sánchez se despide de ustedes. Barcelona: Tusquets.
Stefuriuc, I. (2009). Government Formation in Multi-level Settings. Spanish Regional Coalitions and the Quest for Vertical Congruence. Party Politics, 15(2), 93–115.
Solbes, P. (2013). Pedro Solbes. Recuerdos. Barcelona: Deusto.
Van Biezen, I., & Hopkin, J. (2005). The Presidentialization of Spanish Democracy: Sources of Prime Ministerial Power in Post-Franco Spain. In T. Poguntke & P. Webb (Eds.), The Presidentialization of Politics. A Comparative Study of Modern Democracies. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Author information
Authors and Affiliations
Editor information
Editors and Affiliations
Rights and permissions
Copyright information
© 2018 The Author(s)
About this chapter
Cite this chapter
Rodríguez Teruel, J., Jerez Mir, M. (2018). The Selection and Deselection of Technocratic Ministers in Democratic Spain. In: Costa Pinto, A., Cotta, M., Tavares de Almeida, P. (eds) Technocratic Ministers and Political Leadership in European Democracies. Palgrave Studies in Political Leadership. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-62313-9_6
Download citation
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-62313-9_6
Published:
Publisher Name: Palgrave Macmillan, Cham
Print ISBN: 978-3-319-62312-2
Online ISBN: 978-3-319-62313-9
eBook Packages: Political Science and International StudiesPolitical Science and International Studies (R0)