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From Bush’s Freedom Agenda to the Color Revolutions

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The Second Cold War

Abstract

The United States advanced its economic, political and military goals in the countries of the Caucasus even further through its “freedom agenda” and war on terror. This increased tensions because the policy-makers in Washington failed to respect the legitimate interests of the Russian Federation in Eurasia, threatening its geostrategic security, territorial integrity and social cohesion, and making its western borders vulnerable through the expansion of NATO. The Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs Igor Ivanov warned Secretary of State Colin Powell that Washington should understand that Russia’s concerns regarding the direct involvement of American troops in Georgia’s territory were legitimate, and that disregarding them could complicate the situation in the region. In fact, the United States had established NATO’s Partnership for Peace Program (NATO-PfP) for the former Soviet republics, conducting joint military exercises in the region since 1997. All Central Asian countries joined NATO’s North American Co-operation Council (NATC). And in 1999, the United States integrated Georgia, Ukraine, Uzbekistan, Azerbaijan and Moldova into a military structure (GUUAM) that sought to create a real alternative to the Commonwealth of Independent States led by Russia. An initial step to include these countries in NATO.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Bush (2010, pp. 396–397).

  2. 2.

    Ibid., p. 397.

  3. 3.

    It is empire. I mean, by this term, a situation in which a single state shapes the behaviour of others, whether directly or indirectly, partially or completely, by means that can range from the outright use of force through intimidation, dependency, inducements, and even inspiration.” Gaddis (1997, p. 27).

  4. 4.

    The Middle East Partnership Initiative (MEPI) is a program designed to promote political, economic, and educational development in the Middle East. This report provides an overview of the MEPI program, its perception in the Middle East, and its role in the debate over U.S. efforts to promote democracy in the Arab world. For FY2006, the Bush Administration has requested $120 million for MEPI. For FY2005, Congress appropriated $75 million for MEPI, half of the President’s original request. MEPI has received an estimated $294 million in funding since its creation in FY2002. This report will be updated as developments unfold.” Jeremy M. Sharp, The Middle East Partnership Initiative: An Overview, Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service Report RS21457, July 20, 2005, WikiLeaks Document Release, February 2, 2009.

  5. 5.

    U.S. Department of State, Archive, Middle East Partnership Initiative (MEPI), available on: http://2002-2009-mepi.state.gov/

  6. 6.

    Jeremy M. Sharp, The Middle East Partnership Initiative: An Overview, Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service Report RS21457, July 20, 2005, WikiLeaks Document Release, February 2, 2009.

  7. 7.

    Jeremy M. Sharp, “U.S. Democracy Promotion Policy in the Middle East: The Islamist Dilemma”, Congressional Research Service Report for Congress, updated June 15, 2006, Department of The Navy—Naval Historical Center, The Library of Congress.

  8. 8.

    Stephen Zunes, “Credit the Egyptian People for the Egyptian Revolution”, Huffington Post, January 27, 2011.

  9. 9.

    Jeremy M. Sharp, The Middle East Partnership Initiative: An Overview, Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service Report RS21457, July 20, 2005, WikiLeaks Document Release, February 2, 2009.

  10. 10.

    Stephen Zunes, “Credit the Egyptian People for the Egyptian Revolution”, Huffington Post, January 27, 2011.

  11. 11.

    “Then God said: Let us make mankind in our image, in our likeness”, Genesis 1 Latin: Biblia Sacra Vulgata, v. 27.

  12. 12.

    “Ivanov: Russia Opposed to US Troops in Georgia”, Voice of America, 27/2/2002.

  13. 13.

    Bellaigue (2012, p. 273).

  14. 14.

    Peck (2010, p. 203).

  15. 15.

    Ibid., p. 196.

  16. 16.

    Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan-Pipeline and Others: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Baku%E2%80%93Tbilisi%E2%80%93Ceyhan_pipeline#/media/File:Baku_pipelines.svg. Accessed 13.03.2015.

  17. 17.

    Seth Mydans, “Georgian Leader Agrees to Resign, Ending Standoff”, The New York Times, November 24, 2003.

  18. 18.

    The ambassador Richard Miles had played an important role in the toppling of Serbian President Slobodan Milošević when he headed the diplomatic mission of the United States in Belgrade, between 1996 and 1999. Afterwards, he was sent as ambassador to Minke, in Belarus, where he set up the coup against President Alexander Lukashenko. He had already operated in Azerbaijan and Bulgaria.

  19. 19.

    “The South Caucasus: A Chronological Summary of Key Events Since Independence 1991–2004”, prepared by Richard Giragosian—Abt Associates, Inc.—Bethesda, Maryland, The American Research Institute of the South Caucasus (ARISC) http://www.ii.umich.edu/UMICH/asp/Home/Academic%20Opportunities/Initiatives/Conferences/South%20Caucasusu%20conf,%202004.pdf. Accessed on 20.10.2014. Seth Mydans, “Georgian Leader Agrees to Resign, Ending Standoff”, The New York Times, November 24, 2003.

  20. 20.

    Scahill (2007, p. 171).

  21. 21.

    Jones (2009, p. 317).

  22. 22.

    Ibid., pp. 317–334. Richard Carlson, “Georgia on His Mind—George Soros’s Potemkin Revolution”, The Weekly Standard, Foundation for Defense of Democracies, May 24, 2004.

  23. 23.

    Natalia Antelava, “How to stage a revolution Slobodan Djinovic watched Georgia’s ‘rose revolution’ from his home in Serbia”, BBC News, December 4, 2003.

  24. 24.

    Jonathan Steele, “Ukraine’s postmodern coup d’etat. Yushchenko got the US nod, and money flooded in to his supporters”, The Guardian, November 26, 2004.

  25. 25.

    David Anable, “The role of Georgia’s media—and Western Aid—in the Rose Revolution”, Joan Shorenstein Center on the Press Politics and Public Policy, Working Paper Series, Harvard University, John F. Kennedy School of Government, 2006. See for a map: The ‘Color Revolutions’. http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/c/c5/Color_Revolutions_Map.png. Accessed 14.03.2015.

  26. 26.

    Ibid., p. 27.

  27. 27.

    Ibid., p. 24. Eileen M. O’Connor and David Hoffman, “Media in Iraq: The Fallacy of Psy-Ops”, International Herald Tribune, December 16, 2005.

  28. 28.

    George Soros’ Open Society Institute (OSI) sent two leaders of the Liberty Institute, an NGO, to meet with the leaders of OTPOR in Serbia. When they returned, the OTPOR activists trained more than 1000 Georgian students in “revolutionary techniques using good humor and peaceful subversion”.

  29. 29.

    Jonathan Steele, “Ukraine’s postmodern coup d’etat. Yushchenko got the US nod, and money flooded in to his supporters”, The Guardian, November 26, 2004.

  30. 30.

    Steven Woehrel, “Ukraine’s Political Crisis and U.S. Policy Issues”, CRS Report for Congress, Order Code RL32691, February 1, 2005.

  31. 31.

    William F. Engdahl, “Revolution, geopolitics and pipelines”, Asia Times, June 30, 2005.

  32. 32.

    USAID founded the Afghan Media Development Project (AMDEP) implemented by Internews, with a chain of four centers in Afghanistan: Anaar Multimedia Centers, in Herat, Mazar-e-Sharif, Jalalabad and Kandahar. Internews operates in over 70 countries, subsidizing the opposition media with regime change as its main objective, and it has trained more than 80,000 journalists. Its annual budget was US$ 10 million.

  33. 33.

    Shade Hamid, “The Struggle for Middle East Democracy”, Cairo Review of Global Affairs, Brookings Institution, April 26, 2011. David Anable, “The role of Georgia’s media—and Western Aid—in the Rose Revolution”, Joan Shorenstein Center on the Press Politics and Public Policy, Working Paper Series, Harvard University, John F. Kennedy School of Government, 2006, p. 9.

  34. 34.

    Ibid., p. 12.

  35. 35.

    Shade Hamid, “The Struggle for Middle East Democracy”, Cairo Review of Global Affairs, Brookings Institution, April 26, 2011.

  36. 36.

    Ajay Patnaik, “Regime Change and US Geopolitical strategy in Central Asia”, Eurasia Critic, May 2008.

  37. 37.

    Gene Sharp is professor of the University of Massachusetts-Dartmouth and director of the Albert Einstein Institution in Boston. After the Cold War, with the support of Colonel Robert Helvey, the Albert Einstein Institution held the Conference on Non Violent Sanctions at the Center for International Affairs of Harvard University. 185 specialists from 16 countries participated, among which the Israeli psychologist Reuven Gal, author of various works, such as Service Without Guns. The translation and distribution professor Gene Sharp’s book From Dictatorship to Democracy was sponsored by entities in the United States and Europe.

  38. 38.

    Political defiance has a long and surprisingly impressive record, from the 1905 Russian Revolution to the 1986 people-power movement in the Philippines. More recently, it was the modus operandi in the colour revolutions witnessed in the early 2000s: Serbia’s Bulldozer Revolution (2000), Georgia’s Rose Revolution (2003), Ukraine’s Orange Revolution (2004), Lebanon’s Cedar Revolution (2005) and Kyrgyzstan’s Tulip Revolution (2005). These methods, and Sharp’s writings, also inspired the youth uprisings in Tunisia (Sidi Bouzid Revolt) and Egypt (25 January Revolution) in early 2011 that swept aside the aging autocrats who had stifled change in those societies for so many years. Though it cannot be denied that CPV (Collective Political Violence) is a force for systemic change, these exemplars demonstrate that there are other nonviolent—and morally preferable—mechanisms for systemic feedback and self-adjustment.” James W. Moore, “The Functions of Insurgent Violence: A Systems Perspective”, Canadian Army Journal, 14/2/2012, p. 115.

  39. 39.

    Significantly, one of Hariri’s consultants, Mustafa al-Naser, told Iranian state news agency IRNA on Monday that ‘the assassination of Hariri is the Israeli intelligence agency Mossad’s job, aimed at creating political tension in Lebanon’.” Pepe Escobar, “The Roving Eye—How the West won Libya”, Asia Times, October 22, 2011. “‘Israeli intelligence is standing behind this crime,’ claimed German criminologist Juergen Cain Kuelbel. In his book Hariri’s Assassination: Hiding Evidence in Lebanon he wrote: ‘Syria is innocent and has nothing to do with that crime or the other assassinations.’ Kuelbel discovered that the jamming system used to disable the Hariri convoy’s electronic shield was manufactured by Netline Technologies Ltd of Tel Aviv, an Israeli company co-developed with the Israel Defense Forces and Israeli law enforcement agencies, and sold through European outlets.” Trish Schuh, “The Salvador Option in Beirut”, CounterPunch, February 8, 2007.

  40. 40.

    The cedar (Cedrus libani) is Lebanon’s national symbol and takes up the center of its flag.

  41. 41.

    Bush (2010, pp. 411–412).

  42. 42.

    Ibid., p. 412.

  43. 43.

    Niles Lathem, “Give us Liberty! Protesters Slam Syria in Massive Beirut Rally”, New York Post, March 8, 2005.

  44. 44.

    Craig Whitlock, “U.S. secretly backed Syrian opposition groups, cables released by WikiLeaks show”, The Washington Post, April 18, 2011. “USA finanzieren offenbar syrische Opposition”, Focus Nachrichten , 18/4/2011. “U.S. secretly backed Syrian opposition groups, WikiLeaks reveals—$6 million for Syrian exiles to help”, Daily Mail, April 18, 2011.

  45. 45.

    Alfred B. Prados and Jeremy M. Sharp, Syria: Political Conditions and Relations with the United States after the Iraq War, Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division, Congressional Research Service Report RL32727, February 28, 2005.

  46. 46.

    Julian Borger, Michael White, Ewen MaCaskill e Nicholas Watt, “Bush vetoes Syria war plan”, The Guardian, April 15, 2003.

  47. 47.

    Ibid.

  48. 48.

    Julian Borger, “Bush signals backing for Syria sanctions”, The Guardian, October 8, 2003.

  49. 49.

    Alfred B. Prados and Jeremy M. Sharp, Syria: Political Conditions and Relations with the United States after the Iraq War, Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division, Congressional Research Service Report RL32727, February 28, 2005.

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Moniz Bandeira, L.A. (2017). From Bush’s Freedom Agenda to the Color Revolutions. In: The Second Cold War. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-54888-3_4

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