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“For One Would be Loath to Spoil a Son and Heir”: The Power of Maternal Imagination in Fiction of the Mid Eighteenth-Century

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Gender, Pregnancy and Power in Eighteenth-Century Literature

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Abstract

Chapter 3 investigates the presence of maternal imagination in two emerging literary genres: ramble fiction and the sentimental novel. Such fiction uses the tropes of maternal imagination to investigate a pregnant woman’s agency, responsibility and power over both her foetus and her household. Novels such as Tobias Smollett’s ramble novel The Adventures of Peregrine Pickle (1751) and Samuel Richardson’s sentimental fiction Pamela in Her Exalted Condition (1741) create a space to discuss the paradoxical power and threat of maternal imagination. This chapter reads these novels against eighteenth-century midwifery literature by respected practitioners such as William Smellie, William Hunter and Sarah Stone, which also prefers to leave the limits of maternal power as an ambiguous force.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Dennis Todd takes Toft’s confessions at face value and claims that “the hoax was solely motivated by money” (1995, 4). Alternatively Lisa Forman Cody suggests that Toft was a compliant, rather than cunning, woman, who followed instructions from her mother-in-law or other relations (2005, 130). Toft’s confessions vaguely indicate that she hoped to profit from the affair, but are to be taken lightly as they are clearly given under severe mental and physical pressure.

  2. 2.

    It is implied that Tape invested because his pregnant wife’s advice was not to be ignored, due to the nature of her condition, however the pamphlet does not explicitly state this.

  3. 3.

    As I have outlined in Chapter 2, Blondel did not count physical injury (damage arising from physical shocks to the body) as part of the theory of maternal imagination.

  4. 4.

    Vic Gatrell (2006) also comments on a lively eighteenth-century culture of coarseness and exuberance.

  5. 5.

    Tony Tanner (1979) argues that marriage forms an essential structure of the novel, Christopher Flint (1998) has noted the interacting histories of the family and the novel and Chris Roulston (2010) explores the subject of marriage as the cornerstone of the bourgeois novel.

  6. 6.

    See Chapter XI of Laure Junot (1895). After spending a night caressing the pineapple, the duchess decided that she didn’t want it after all – rather like Sally Pickle. Fiction also often highlighted the expense of the fruit; in Amelia Opie’s Adeline Mowbray (1802), Adeline cannot afford the two guineas for Glenmurray’s pineapple. Matthew O Grenby (2004, 137) points out the use of a pineapple in George Walker’s novel The Vagabond (1799), which demonstrates the importance of hierarchical economics.

  7. 7.

    Frances Burney employs the pineapple’s association with luxury and frivolity when the heroine of Evelina, or a Young Lady’s Entrance into the World (1778) visits Cox’s Museum and views a mechanical pineapple that opens to reveal mechanised singing birds.

  8. 8.

    Grizzle later takes care of Peregrine when Sally has inexplicably rejected him and denied that he is her son.

  9. 9.

    The term “beard” also had bawdy connotations as it was frequently used to describe female pubic hair, see Karen Harvey (2004, 97). Hair also connoted lust, see Mary Fissell (2003).

  10. 10.

    Shepard explains that the meaning of these gestures – marks of defiance and humiliation – was more important, than the actual pain of the act. See for example Regan’s plucking of Gloucester’s beard in William Shakespeare’s The Tragedy of King Lear (3.7.30–34).

  11. 11.

    Erin Mackie (1997, 80) also observes irritation surrounding window-shopping in issue 336 of The Spectator.

  12. 12.

    Catherine Ingrassia (1998) has argued that reckless stock-jobbers were characterised as feminine and hysterical. Ingrassia, Mackie, and E J Clery (2004) present Lady Credit as the (disproportionately blamed) female face of public borrowing and ruin and Mary Poovey (1985) has argued women were often portrayed as consumers rather than contributors.

  13. 13.

    Finn argues that control of female sexuality was conflated with virtuous credit dealing (2003, 12). Elizabeth Kowalski-Wallace also observes that the obsession with controlling women’s spending was connected to the control of female sexuality, and discusses the managing of the wife’s energy, as well as finances (1991, 134–135).

  14. 14.

    The only physician to cite the case of the lion child is John Henry Mauclerc (1747).

  15. 15.

    For details see Linda E Merians (1996), Allan Ingram and Michelle Faubert (2005), and Ann Jessie Van Sant (1993).

  16. 16.

    Aileen Douglas discusses this crossover in regard to Smollett’s use of the body.

  17. 17.

    Dr. James Douglas was of course one of the principal figures in the Mary Toft case, see my Chapter 2.

  18. 18.

    Hill’s attack was probably motivated by personal resentment as he had been rejected for membership of the Royal Society.

  19. 19.

    See Mauclerc’s pro-Imaginationist treatise Dr. Blondel Confuted; Isaac Bellett’s Anti-Imaginationist pamphlet Letters on the Force of the Imagination in Pregnant Women (1745, translated into English 1765); Giovanni Fortunato Bianchini’s Anti-Imaginationist An essay on the force of imagination in pregnant women: addressed to the ladies (1772); and Benjamin Bablot’s Imaginationist Dissertation sur le pouvoir de l’imagination des femmes enceinte (1788). All but Bablot’s text were available in English, however the debate had lost momentum in Britain after Turner’s The Force of the Mother’s Imagination upon the Foetus in Utero Still Further Considered (1730).

  20. 20.

    Compared to the dozens of treatises written by men, there are few midwifery guides authored by women. In addition to Stone’s text, notable female-authored midwifery guides include Jane Sharp’s The Midwives Book: or the Whole Art of Midwifery Discovered (1671), Elizabeth Nihell’s A Treatise on the Art of Midwifery (1760), Margaret Stephens’ Domestic Midwife; or the Best Means of Preventing Danger in Childbirth, Considered (1795) and Martha Mears’ The Pupil of Nature (1797).

  21. 21.

    Stone practiced in Bridgewater, Taunton and Bristol.

  22. 22.

    Stone essentially argues that disappointed longing will stimulate fierce disappointment or anger, therefore giving rise to a case of maternal passion. She provides a full case study of a woman who suffered because she strongly craved a certain food (73–75).

  23. 23.

    Henry Bracken’s personal anecdote (1737), is the only exception I have so far discovered. He explains

    a neighbour of mine bore a child, who had no fingers upon one hand. I had the curiosity to enquire, if the mother had not (during her pregnancy, and at what particular time of it) been frightened by some Beggar without fingers, and I found she was, by a Fellow who came about begging alms, and the first thing he did at every house, was to put his lame frightful hand in, without shewing the rest of his body”. (40)

    For William Smellie’s story of a one armed-beggar, see my next page.

  24. 24.

    See William Giffard’s Cases in midwifery (1734) which was printed by Samuel Richardson; Edmund Chapman’s An Essay on the Improvement of Midwifery (1733); Exton Brudenell’s A New and General System of Midwifery (1753) and Giles Watts’ Reflections on Slow and Painful Labours (1755).

  25. 25.

    See my footnote 23 of this chapter.

  26. 26.

    Hunter’s experiment showed that women’s thoughts did not impact on their foetus. Forman Cody cites an anecdote related to Charles Darwin by his grandfather Erasmus Darwin, who knew Hunter reasonably well (Forman Cody 145). Incidentally Erasmus Darwin believed in the notion of paternal imagination, the subject of my next chapter.

  27. 27.

    Mauclerc and Bellett are obvious exceptions to this statement, but are exempt by the nature of their (Anti-)Imaginationist discursive practice.

  28. 28.

    Joseph is identified by the strawberry birthmark on his breast, caused by his mother’s longing for the fruit. Jenny Jenkins in The History of Charlotte Summers, The Fortunate Parish Girl (anonymously authored, but sometimes attributed to Sarah Fielding, 1753) has the same mark.

  29. 29.

    Dreams were certainly considered to contain powerful forces – in 1637 Maglene d’Auvermont from Grenoble claimed she had dreamt of sex with her faraway husband and become pregnant. She was initially believed in court and her son declared legitimate, although this was later contested (Finucci 2003, 52–55).

  30. 30.

    Aphra Behn’s the The Dumb Virgin (1700) is highly unusual in its presentation of more outlandish forms of maternal imagination. Behn features transfigurative and literal forms in her main characters; Belvideera is deformed through her mother’s fear of pirates, and Maria is born mute due to her mother’s silence during pregnancy.

    Behn’s character Dangerfield has a mimetic birthmark (a bloody dagger), which is less common than episodes of maternal passion that result in dead foetuses. However, mimetic birthmarks do occasionally recur later in the century; in addition to the birthmarks mentioned on my previous page, in Horace Walpole’s The Castle of Otranto (1764), Theodore has a bloody arrow birthmark. Charlotte Lennox’s Euphemia (1790) is unconventional as she blends maternal passion with mimetic marks in the story of Edward, who is marked with the image of a bow and arrow due to his mother’s fright of Native Americans carrying those weapons.

  31. 31.

    It has been argued that the eighteenth century was the period in which families moved from a public model to a more private, loving model (Stone 1977; Trumbach 1978). Stone’s thesis of affective individualism can certainly be argued to be present in novels, however several critics have argued that this was not the case in reality (Davidoff and Hall, 1987).

  32. 32.

    Erica Harth (1988) also emphasises the connection between capitalism, trade and money.

  33. 33.

    Tavor Bannet argues that the Marriage Act was concerned with how to best manage population in order to increase Britain’s wealth (2000, 102–105).

  34. 34.

    See also Perry (1990) and Donna T Andrew’s related study (1989), which investigates the pronatalist motivation behind the founding of charitable institutions that focused upon pregnant women or young children, such as Lying-in Hospitals.

  35. 35.

    Philips claims that the process was not as expensive as other critics have suggested. Despite this, I argue that the fact women had to resort to equity law at all demonstrates their inferior legal status.

  36. 36.

    Armstrong claims that these characteristics of female definition came to be the predominant way of defining all humans by the end of the eighteenth century.

  37. 37.

    For the argument that women were active in the public see the seminal study by Davidoff and Hall, which claims “public was not really public and private was not really private despite the potent imagery of “separate spheres” (1987, xvi). Extensions of the argument include Amanda Vickery’s important article “Golden Age to separate Spheres?” (1993), Elizabeth Eger et al. (2001), and Elaine Chalus and Hannah Barker (1997). Harriet Guest (2000) charts a narrative of gradual change and incremental progress in gender roles during the period and Julie Peakman (2004) looks at the assumptions concerning normative sexual behaviour. Charlotte F. Otten (1992) shows women in the public sphere via print; Lawrence E. Klein (1996) questions the need for such binary oppositions inherent in the “domestic thesis”; for an argument relevant to my concerns of reproduction in this book see Lisa Forman Cody (1999) who has described how man-midwives brought female reproduction into public discourse. For more detail on male activity in the domestic sphere see my Chapter 4.

  38. 38.

    This conduct book went through several editions during the eighteenth century and the above excerpt was quoted in other conduct texts, see The Virgin’s Nosegay (142) under the heading “To a New Married Lady”.

  39. 39.

    Forman Cody explains that women knew they were pregnant by signs that only they could interpret or feel (2005, 44). Pollock remarks that women were usually able to diagnose themselves with some accuracy (1990, 45).

  40. 40.

    Forman Cody finds evidence that women wore pregnancy pads in 1753 and 1793 (2005, 203–204). Dror Wahrman also notes this trend (2004, 67). Vic Gattrell (2006, 367) discusses 1790s prints mocking the fashion such as “The Pad Warehouse” in Bon Ton Magazine (1793).

  41. 41.

    This incident occurred on 7th October 1814 (M Shelley 1814, 33).

  42. 42.

    Marilyn Francus notes that “good” mothers are denied a narrative in eighteenth-century fiction. She explores “the erasure of mothers and motherhood from the cultural landscape in eighteenth-century Britain, in terms of the inability to depict the ideal domestic mother and of the recognition and displacement of maternal dissent” (2012, 18).

  43. 43.

    To avoid any confusion of Richardson’s sequel with other, unauthorized, sequels such as John Kelly’s, I will henceforth refer to Pamela in Her Exalted Condition as Her Exalted Condition. In the interest of simplicity, I will refer to Pamela or Virtue Rewarded, as Pamela where necessary.

  44. 44.

    Ever since the novel’s first publication, “Pamelists” have claimed that the heroine is genuinely virtuous, and “Anti-Pamelists” have argued that she merely feigns virtue in order to achieve her mercenary ends. See Catherine Ingrassia (2004), and Keymer and Sabor (2005).

  45. 45.

    As Anna Laetitia Barbauld would later comment, Her Exalted Condition was “less a continuation than the author’s defence of himself” (1804, i: lvii), and perhaps by extension, a defence of his heroine.

  46. 46.

    Felicity Nussbaum (1995) discusses Mr. B and his championing of polygamy and Toni Bowers (1995) argues that in Her Exalted Condition Mr B. succeeds (whereas in Pamela he is defeated by Pamela’s virtue) because his desires are legitimized by their marriage. In a somewhat tangential, but related article, Bonnie Blackwell (1998) has read Pamela as an engagement with the man-midwife debate, viewing Pamela as the pregnant woman, Mr. B as the man-midwife and Mrs. Jewkes as the old-fashioned female midwife.

  47. 47.

    See especially Rogers’ Chapter 4 for formidable details of common eighteenth-century maternal injury such as bladder-vaginal fistulas. Marilyn Francus (2012) also paints a vivid picture of Hester Thrale’s wearisome and draining pregnancies in her Chapter 2.

  48. 48.

    By the early eighteenth century many landowners were using strict settlement as it ensured that the family estate would, in each successive generation, remain in the hands of the eldest son. Strict settlement limited the heir’s interest in the property to that of a life tenant, as it was automatically entailed onto the next eldest son.

  49. 49.

    The hoop petticoat first appeared in 1708 as an artificial, formal and uncomfortable mode of dress. See Kimberly Chrisman (1996) for more details.

  50. 50.

    For examples of the way in which the concept of maternal imagination was treated in fiction before Richardson see earlier in this chapter. The remaining chapters of this book will examine the discourse of maternal imagination in novels (and other forms of literature) after Richardson.

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Buckley, J. (2017). “For One Would be Loath to Spoil a Son and Heir”: The Power of Maternal Imagination in Fiction of the Mid Eighteenth-Century. In: Gender, Pregnancy and Power in Eighteenth-Century Literature. Palgrave Studies in Literature, Science and Medicine. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-53835-8_3

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