Abstract
In the past chapters we have seen that the decision to migrate of Mexican migrants in Australia was less driven by supply of labour and more driven by post-material values such as quality of life. This mirrors the motivation of other middle-class migrants. Now we turn to the outcome of this decision, particularly in the sphere of work. Is there a profile of respondents’ occupational structure and income? Are they satisfied with their job? What are the main difficulties encountered? Through this chapter it will be shown that overall, and particularly in terms of employment, Mexicans in Australia are a successful group compared to similar Latin American migrants in Australia. Of course, not all respondents were doing well, and many had struggled initially. The interview material was particularly revealing in that the employment transition from Mexico to Australia was difficult for many migrants; I found that a significant number of people were forced to take jobs below their skill level, particularly when they first joined the Australian labour market. Yet, it appears that there is a high level of work satisfaction among survey respondents.
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Notes
- 1.
My survey figures are similar and illustrate that nearly twice as many Mexican men as women hold full-time jobs: 69% of all Mexican-born males work full-time and only 38% of all Mexican-born females do. The correspondence in this area between my survey and the 2011 census reinforces the validity of the results of my survey.
- 2.
According to my survey this figure is up to 52%.
- 3.
Except for the category ‘not applicable’, in which 23% of Australian females and 8% of Mexican females were located; this category encompasses mainly people under the legal age to work.
- 4.
The 2011 census data were cross-tabulated using the online software ‘Table Builder’, provided free of charge by the ABS website.
- 5.
Given that the scope of this research was limited to studying Mexicans in Australia, it is not possible to give a robust explanation as to why this is the case. Still, it is possible that the geographical proximity to the American labour market and contact with it gives Mexicans more tools for navigating the Australian labour market.
- 6.
In contrast, South Africans have been in Australia for a lot longer. Their social networks are also large and powerful.
- 7.
The exact multiple-choice question within the section of work in Australia was worded: ‘Which of the following best describes the main position that you hold (or held)?’, with possible answers being: ‘non-supervisory’, ‘supervisory’, ‘managerial’, ‘freelance/self-employed’ and ‘other’.
- 8.
Additionally, according to the Australian 2011 census, the median weekly household income was $1,234 ($64,168 annually).
- 9.
These self-ascribed classifications of social class reflect respondents’ perceived changes in their class position and do not necessarily reflect an objective change.
- 10.
For example, 128,550 skilled migration visas were granted in the period 2013–2014 (Australian Department of Immigration and Border Protection 2014 in Westcott & Vázquez, 2016).
- 11.
Subsequent to the interview, Santiago resettled in a small city in Mexico with his Australian wife and two kids.
- 12.
LSIA collected data during 1993, 1995 and 1999–2000.
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Vazquez Maggio, M.L. (2017). Employment, Income and Class Location of Mexicans in Australia. In: Mobility Patterns and Experiences of the Middle Classes in a Globalizing Age. The Anthropocene: Politik—Economics—Society—Science, vol 6. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-53393-3_4
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