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Male Rape, Masculinities, and Sexualities pp 59–123Cite as

Palgrave Macmillan

Uncovering Male Sexual Victimisation

Part of the Palgrave Hate Studies book series (PAHS)

Abstract

This chapter contextualises the issue of male sexual victimisation while critically examining existing work on the policing of male rape. This chapter is a critical engagement with the literature surrounding male rape and explores the different male rape myths and stereotypes present in societies and in the police, with a view to test such myths in the empirical part of the book (the primary data is presented and analysed in Chapters 5–7). It is important to provide context and depth to the empirical chapters that will soon follow, in which the findings of this book will be presented and analysed.

Keywords

  • Policing
  • Law
  • Prison rape
  • Courts

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Notes

  1. 1.

    McMullen uses the term ‘male rapists’ to refer to men who commit rape against other men.

  2. 2.

    ‘Stranger rape ’ typically refers to a stranger raping a victim, a victim who had no knowledge about the offender prior to the attack.

  3. 3.

    ‘Date rape’ (also known as ‘acquaintance rape ’) is a type of rape perpetrated by someone known to the victim.

  4. 4.

    A serial rapist is a person who forces a series of victims into unwanted sexual activity. Similar to a serial killer, the rapist will have a ‘cooling-off period’ in-between crimes.

  5. 5.

    I found the reading of Cohen’s text problematic and inaccessible. The extent of jargon used concealed many of her meanings, making it very difficult to decipher her text overall. It provides a poor overview of the subject of male rape , and I would strongly discourage the reader from reading her text. Abdullah-Khan (2008) provides an excellent and clear overview of male rape . Not only is it clearly written, but also is based on empirical research that was conducted just over 5 years.

  6. 6.

    ‘Validity’ denotes whether sources really measure what they state they are measuring. ‘Reliability’ indicates whether statistical sources measure what they state they are measuring and whether they do this accurately and consistently.

  7. 7.

    The prevalence figures discussed in research studies and the accessible crime statistics give evidence of the growing social issues of sexual assault and male rape , highlighting an urgency to research and comprehend male rape at the micro- and macro-levels.

  8. 8.

    Dissimilar prevalence figures are cited in the texts, with figures changing depending on the writers’ definitions of ‘sexual assault ’ and ‘rape’, populations used, and place of sampling.

  9. 9.

    The section ‘Reporting Male Rape to the Police’ has appeared elsewhere. I thank InterAlia for permission to reuse this section in this book. The section appears in the following source Javaid, A. (2017). ‘Can’t Hear or Won’t Hear: Gender, Sexualities and Reporting Male Rape’. InterAlia: A Journal of Queer Studies.

  10. 10.

    Section 1(1) Sexual Offences Act (1956).

  11. 11.

    Section 142 of the Criminal Justice and Public Order Act (1994).

  12. 12.

    The first such case was R. v. Richards (1996) 2 Cr. App. R (S)16 7; for a detailed

    description of the case, see Abdullah-Khan (2008: 35).

  13. 13.

    Sexual Offences Act (1956), Sched 2; Sexual Offences Act (1967), s.20. The CLRC (1984: paragraphs 3.7–3.8) suggested a return to a maximum sentence of life imprisonment for the crime.

  14. 14.

    This point was also well-established in the case of Stanford (1990) Crim LR 526.

  15. 15.

    An amendment introduced within the House of Commons was initially rejected by the government, but later accepted within the House of Lords, resulting in inclusion within the Criminal Justice and Public Order Act (1994), ss.142 and 143, altering the Sexual Offences Act (1956), s.1.

  16. 16.

    For instance, Lord Ponsonby of Shulbrede refers to his revision in legislation, which the House of Lords brought in, as associated with male rape (Hansard, House of Lords 1994, 20 June).

  17. 17.

    In rape, ‘gender -neutral’ is the idea that the law can apply to both women and men as victims or assailants.

  18. 18.

    Gender -specific rape laws only identify penile-vaginal intercourse, so they do not identify other forms of violators or violation; they disregard male rape , women being raped by other women, and oral/object/anal rape.

  19. 19.

    Sexual Offences Act (2003), s.1. For the first time, this legislation incorporated penile penetration of the mouth in the actus reus of rape. Before this, such sexual assaults were conceptualised as indecent assault, which carried a lesser punishment for offenders.

  20. 20.

    No other object or appendage meets the requirements to be eligible as ‘rape’ because these simply become assault by penetration; however, many male rape victims may see these as forms of rape. Demeaning these acts in law could provide a disservice to all rape victims—perhaps this is more to do with refusing to acknowledge women as rapists.

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  1. University of East London, University Square, London, UK

    Aliraza Javaid

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  1. Aliraza Javaid
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Javaid, A. (2018). Uncovering Male Sexual Victimisation. In: Male Rape, Masculinities, and Sexualities. Palgrave Hate Studies. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-52639-3_3

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-52639-3_3

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