Abstract
This chapter considers the next generation of urbanites as one entry point for entrepreneurial urban strategies. It investigates the way in which cities aiming to redefine themselves imagine future populations and how in these efforts they design social policies that explicitly and particularly target women as mothers. It develops the concept of urban regeneration: efforts to regenerate the city by either investing in the children (the next generation) of the current population or replacing the current population of children by a new generation of better-suited children. Based on an ethnographic case study of parenting guidance policy practices, this chapter shows how a ritual-like practice of communication and reflection produces subject positions in parenting guidance that very much resemble what is expected of employees in the post-Fordist and arguably more feminine labour market.
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Notes
- 1.
This means that unlike many researchers I was not primarily interested in the lived experiences of the ones participating in the practices, nor was I looking for their perspectives on the interactions or the policy strategies per se. Rather, I studied a range of moments, or rather situations, in which practitioners executing social policy and individual mothers consuming/targeted by these policies met: instances in which they encountered each other. The primary objects of my research are, thus, interactions in parenting guidance practices, not the agents participating in them. In addition to my ethnographic observations that I recorded in field notes, I interviewed 10 practitioners and 7 managers of the organizations that provided parenting guidance and 12 mothers that participated in the programmes. These interviews were largely to expand my knowledge of the practices and to reflect upon them with agents in the field. But the extensive ethnographic research of interactions forms the core of the data on which this paper is based.
- 2.
Access to the practices that I set out to study posed no great problems because I wanted to participate in more or less open and in any case informal settings. I entered the field as an invitee of the practitioners. Almost all agencies and practitioners were very welcoming to my participation. They were convinced of the quality and necessity of their work and were in some cases quite eager to show me. Usually, the practitioners I came into contact with gave me their weekly or monthly schedule of where and what they would be teaching and coaching and I would be, so to say, “signing in”, meeting them in the scheduled time and place. In those locations, the mothers were confronted with my presence and I introduced myself as a university researcher working on my PhD and interested in parenting guidance. I encountered distrust a couple of times, for example, in the form of further questions about my motives. However, the mothers were generally quite used to invitees of practitioners (interns were, e.g. a frequent presence as were policymakers and managers) and, as a matter of fact, researchers, because in the Netherlands not only policy interventions into private lives are common, but so are researchers looking into these private lives and policy interventions. Many mothers had encountered and talked to researchers before. Some of the time, mothers were delighted that somebody “from the university” would want to talk to them. In any case, I was always open to participating mothers and practitioners about my research plans and goals. I explained that the research was done for my PhD, what a PhD was and how no other parties (such as the municipality or state) had direct interests or were involved. The mothers and practitioners in this article thus gave informed consent to me recording the events that I witnessed in writing (I made no audio records) and using these recordings for scientific and popular publications on the subject, provided I anonymized everyone. All names used here are thus pseudonyms and if necessary, some details about the mothers are left out in order to further protect their privacy.
- 3.
Goffman uses the term “ritual” to point to the way in which the self becomes sacral in everyday symbolic encounters (for instance in 1967). My use of the term ritual differs from Goffman’s approach in precisely this aspect. Instead of looking for the symbolic or sacral, I am interested in the repetitive form of ritual-like transactions.
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van den Berg, M. (2017). Social Policy: Targeting Women in Urban Policies – Producing Subject Positions. In: Gender in the Post-Fordist Urban. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-52533-4_5
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