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Veto Use in Hungary and Slovakia

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Presidential Activism and Veto Power in Central and Eastern Europe

Part of the book series: Palgrave Studies in Presidential Politics ((PASTPRPO))

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Abstract

This chapter presents an in-depth analysis of presidential veto use during six episodes of president-cabinet pairings in Hungary and Slovakia, the second of two ‘most different cases’ compared in this study. Each case study is structured around specific presidential vetoes and comparable, non-vetoed legislation and based on insights from interviews with relevant political elites. Once again, the majority of hypotheses and working mechanisms from the theoretical model are confirmed but the analysis also suggests some additional explanations. The study of president-cabinet dyads in Hungary highlights how indirect elections decreased activism and cohabitation directed presidents’ focus to technical-legal inconsistencies in legislation. In Slovakia, the change from indirect to direct presidential elections was associated with a significant increase in presidential activism, which challenges findings from previous studies. Interestingly, the comparison of results once again suggests that presidents use divisions within or between coalition parties as an opportunity for activism.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Once again, this chapter is accompanied by ample supplementary material in Appendices B and C as well as a list of respondents in Appendix D.

  2. 2.

    MSZP and SZDSZ deputies disproportionately benefitted from this regulation (Ilonszki and Kurtán 1997).

  3. 3.

    This was also corroborated by my interviews.

  4. 4.

    Note that this was still 6 days before the start of the episode analysed here.

  5. 5.

    The original law even proposed the vetting of ca. 10–12,000 people (EECR 1994).

  6. 6.

    This stands in contrast to other Central and East European countries where amended pieces of legislation can be vetoed again by the president.

  7. 7.

    Gyurcsányi subsequently formed a minority government that still relied on votes from the SZDSZ and several deputies of the MDF.

  8. 8.

    Not all vetoes were discussed in this round, which shows the importance attributed to the bill, by both the president and other actors.

  9. 9.

    Complaints about the quality of legislation even increased under the Bajnaj government (04/2009–05/2010) and there, too, can explain the increase in vetoes together with the minority status of the government.

  10. 10.

    Mádl’s preference for judicial review requests over vetoes can also be interpreted as a consequence of this mechanism.

  11. 11.

    Unfortunately, the veto override threshold was simultaneously changed to an absolute majority so that it remains difficult to fully differentiate between the effects of both variables.

  12. 12.

    It remains unclear what Kováč’s actual intentions were – according to my interviews, he had prepared the concluding part of his speech without consulting his staff.

  13. 13.

    In a further four cases the government used its power to order the president to return a bill to parliament (Art 87 IV Slovak Constitution 1992). As Kováč was constitutionally obligated to do so, this did not constitute a discretionary action of the president and must not be seen as presidential activism. See also section 5.2.4 in this chapter.

  14. 14.

    After his election Schuster resigned as SOP party chairman and suspended his party membership (Malová and Rybář 2008, 196). He also announced a referendum initiated by the opposition which called for a shortening of the legislative term (Láštic 2011, 80–84) and accused Dzurinda and speaker Migaš of trying to use his life-threatening illness in June and July 2000 to their advantage (Mesežnikov 2000, 34–35; Nicholson 2000).

  15. 15.

    The majority of ĽS-HZDS deputies present abstained or voted against the bill (NRSR Voting Record 2008a).

  16. 16.

    Three privatisation-related bills in July 1995 were not delivered at all and vetoed ‘pre-emptively’, in two further cases (November 1996 an June 1997) bills were only delivered 1 or 2 days before deadline.

  17. 17.

    It was only unsuccessful because judges were evenly divided on the issue (Orosz and Šimunčová 1998, 130–133).

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  1. School of Psychology, Politics and Sociology, Canterbury Christ Church University, Canterbury, United Kingdom

    Philipp Köker

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Köker, P. (2017). Veto Use in Hungary and Slovakia. In: Presidential Activism and Veto Power in Central and Eastern Europe. Palgrave Studies in Presidential Politics. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-51914-2_5

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