Abstract
This article is intended to contribute to the understanding of the socio-territorial processes in school results, based on the following questions: (a) Is the center-periphery model sufficient for understanding of more complex processes, such as the Rio (Carioca) model of residential segregation?; (b) Is the school performance of the 4th and 8th grades (respectively 10 and 14 year old) students in the public education system associated with the socio-spatial organization of the city of Rio de Janeiro?; (c) Which mechanisms can be proposed as hypotheses or seem more plausible in explaining the relation between territory and school results in this urban context? In order to handle these questions, this chapter points out the importance of taking the social organization of the territory into consideration as a sphere that is also capable of limiting the overall increase in school effectiveness and of its role in the democratization of access to educational opportunities.
Keywords
- Segregation
- Educational inequalities
- Rio de Janeiro
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Notes
- 1.
In Great Britain, the Plowden Report (1967) found similar results: school variables had less impact on the explanation of differences in school success in the primary schools when compared with factors linked to the attitudes and behavior of the parents (Forquin 1995).
- 2.
- 3.
Regarding the basis for this methodology, see Ribeiro (2004).
- 4.
According to Wilson (1987), the conjunction of factors, such as structural changes in the economy, the growth of inequality and the selective exodus of families of the black middle and working classes to higher income neighborhoods and suburbs have led to a concentration of poverty within neighborhoods with poor minorities, and caused an atmosphere of scarcity of institutions, values, social role models that are necessary to achieve success in a post-industrial society.
- 5.
- 6.
The studies based on the thesis of social isolation also state that when poor neighborhoods exert a negative impact on the social networks of the individuals. This factor is important, as the knowledge that the individuals possess about economic opportunities depends on their networks of friends, colleagues and acquaintances who are, at least in part, geographically based. Thus, in a neighborhood with few employed families, individuals experience social isolation that excludes them from job networks. Various studies argue that this mechanism has a special impact on adults (Small and Newman 2001; Ellen and Turner 1997). However, we can expect that the networks also affect access of parents to information about the quality of schools and the probability of enrolling their children in one of quality.
- 7.
Jencks and Mayer (1990) criticize the epidemic model, since it is based on the presupposition that bad behavior is contagious, and that each neighborhood, or school, has a single set of dominant norms, with which the children and adolescents comply. Such a perspective ignores the possibility that the individuals are not equally susceptible to the influence, as much of the neighborhood as of the school.
- 8.
Upon analysis of the process that led to the exodus of the middle and working classes from black districts in the North American context, Wilson (1987) observes that, previously, the presence of the middle class would have provided social role models that maintained alive the perception that education was a viable alternative. With the concentration of poverty, most of the adults with whom the adolescents establish contact are not working or present precarious forms of engagement in the employment market. “The net effect is that joblessness, as a way of life, takes on a different social meaning; the relationship between schooling and post-school employment takes on a different meaning” (Wilson 1987, p. 57).
- 9.
The work of Ainsworth (2002) consists of a few studies that attempt to empirically differentiate the influence of different mediating mechanisms. The author concluded that as much the collective socialization as the institutional mechanisms exert an impact on school results, although the former exerts a more accentuated impact.
- 10.
For example, with regard to relative deprivation, children and adolescents conceive their economic position comparing their standards with those of their neighbors and schoolmates. Thus, children with less socioeconomic status have worse results in schools or in districts where they interact with children of high socioeconomic status. These explanations are based on the presupposition that, when children do not achieve the desired standard or results (school success, finishing middle school and entering higher education) they create a common culture, or a deviant subculture, in order to deal with this shared failure (Jencks and Mayer 1990).
- 11.
This is the case of the LISA index of spatial correlation, an index that measures “the extent to which area units inhabited by minority members adjoin one another, or cluster, in space” (Massey and Denton 1988, p. 293).
- 12.
The map illustrates the socio-territorial division of the municipality of Rio de Janeiro based on the indicator of “educational atmosphere” resulting from a typological analysis created in the Observatório das Metrópoles, utilizing the average schooling of the adults over 25 in households. This variable describes the residential segregation through the concentration of households with adults with a greater or lesser level of education. The tracts from the 2000 Demographic Census were utilized as spatial units of analysis. The first step in devising the indicator of educational atmosphere was the grouping of the households into four schooling ranges: (a) under 4 years; (b) 4–8 years; (c) 8–11 years; (d) 12 or more years of study. The classification of the tracts by a typology was made based on the application of techniques of factor analysis by binary combination, followed by an ascending hierarchical classification (cluster analysis). In tracts with a strong educational atmosphere, we observe a predominance of households with a strong educational atmosphere; in the tracts with a medium level of educational atmosphere, we observe a predominance of households in the category 4–8 years of study and 8–11 years of study; and, finally, in the areas of low educational atmosphere, we observe a greater presence of households in the categories up to 4 years of study and 4–8 years of study.
- 13.
Leite (2008) thus describes the concentration of the favelas in terms of the violence of the drug traffic, firearms, and constitution of an amply shared collective representation of the favelas as territories with criminality. “Constituted in the social perception as a violent territory of the city, the favelas are inhabited by a population that needs to take into account in their quotidian, on the one hand, this designation that encompasses them and that essentially demarcates their place in the city and their possibilities of access to citizenship assets, public institutions and services. On the other hand, it is necessary to consider the different modalities of presence and activity of violent crime and of the police in their places of residence. Both dimensions construct and reconstruct the frontiers between the district and the favela in Rio de Janeiro, as distinct physical and moral territories of the city. What is permanently at stake, in the case of the former, is the renewal of these frontiers with the intention of discursively territorializing the violence, involving an effort undertaken by means of diverse devices to encapsulate them in the “margins” of the city. The second dimension indicates that the sociability that is woven in the favelas incorporates violence as empirical data with which its population has to deal with the quotidian”. (Leite 2008, pp. 119–120).
- 14.
According to the author, in places where the frontiers are fluid, the residents can recognize the poor and non-poor by race or personal appearance, but these are not recognized in space. Thus, the groups cannot avoid the areas where other groups dwell, and the interaction between the groups becomes inevitable. However, when the spatial frontiers between these groups are fixed and precise, it becomes easier for the individuals of one social group to avoid the areas of another.
- 15.
- 16.
The socioeconomic status variable was created from the extractions of the first factor of a factor analysis by the method of main components, which considered the following variables: (a) Possession of goods; (b) Possession of educational resources; (c) Maximum education of the parents.
- 17.
The variables at the level of the student were calculated from micro data from Prova Brasil 2005.
- 18.
This variable is constructed by a factor analysis with three variables related to the quantity of TV sets, overhead projectors and videocassette recorders, weighted by the number of classrooms. From this analysis the first factor was extracted.
- 19.
The work by Alves et al. (2008) in the municipality of Rio de Janeiro observed that 85% of the students in the first segment of primary education live up to 1500 m from the schools where they study. However, the schools with higher performance more frequently tend to receive students who live at greater distances from the school.
- 20.
See Annex A with the model that served as a basis for the analyses on a macroscale.
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Koslinski, M.C., de Queiroz Ribeiro, L.C. (2017). Segregation and Educational Inequalities. In: de Queiroz Ribeiro, L. (eds) Urban Transformations in Rio de Janeiro. The Latin American Studies Book Series. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-51899-2_10
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